Tuesday, September 29, 2009

Boston in October 波城十月


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波城十月

在10月的第一天,是中共建國60週年紀念,兩天後,隨即是農曆8月15中秋佳節,到10月10日,又有另一群人,慶祝辛亥革命的成功、民國的成立,可謂是一個熱鬧非常的10月。生活在波士頓這個自由的城市,華僑都可能會慶祝這3個重要的日子,有的選擇只在中秋月圓之夜,一家人團聚,吃月餅賞月,不談國是。其他人索性連月餅也不買,過著普通的生活,對兩個黨的國慶,更加是逐漸淡忘了。

要慶祝中共建國60週年的,早在9月終,在波士頓市府廣場,一如以往,已經舉行了升旗儀式,也在華埠一家酒樓設宴,還有豐富的表演節目。踏進10月,就是海峽的另一邊的支持者, 又來一個酒會。這種壁壘分明的慶祝活動,在波城大概維持了好十數年。兩岸足足分隔了60 年,在上一代的當權者去世後,開始覺得要互相接觸了,過去你死我活的爭鬥,現在均可以『相逢一笑泯恩仇』。

回想起來,在意識形態的爭論中,刀槍坦克炮火的殘殺下,斷送了多少青年人的性命,兩黨的領導人,從未有對過去互相趕盡殺絕的歷史,向人民百姓低頭道歉。最近龍應台寫了一本名為《大江大海》的書,所要控訴的,就是在1949年,因政治及炮火造成兩岸分立局面的悲劇,與人性割裂,互相仇殺,帶來的苦難,這是上一代當權者無法禰補的,亦是這一代權貴無勇氣去承擔的過錯。

作為在49年後出生的這一代,目睹一幕幕政治的逼迫,人性窮凶極惡的一面,殺戮、流血、鬥爭、清洗、破壞,不禁百感交集,悲從心來。特別是在這大慶的日子,嚴陣以待,為保萬無一失,人民受到種種的人身自由的限制,失去與國家一起參予的機會,用盡一切虛假的繁榮,掩蓋內心的虛怯,用軍事武裝力量,壓縮深層次的矛盾。這與在每年在波士頓查理士河畔舉行的,美國獨立紀念日音樂煙花會相比較,與民眾同歡樂,分別實在是太大了。

《論語•顏淵》第十二之第七有述:“子貢問政。子曰:足食,足兵,民信之矣。子貢曰:必不得已而去,於斯三者何先?曰:去兵。子貢曰:必不得已而去,於斯二者何先?曰:去食。自古皆有死,民無信不立。”意思是﹕子貢問怎樣治理國家。孔子說,“糧食充足,軍備充足,老百姓信任統治者。”子貢說:“如果不得不去掉一項,那麼在三項中先去掉哪一項呢?”孔子說:“去掉軍備。”子貢說:“如果不得不再去掉一項,那麼這兩項中去掉哪一項呢?”孔子說:“去掉糧食。自古以來人總是要死的,如果老百姓對統治者不信任,那麼國家就不能存在了。”

在幾千年前,孔子認為治理國家,必須具備三個基本條件:衣食、權力、誠信。但在這三者當中,需要作出取捨的話,誠信是最為重要的。沒有糧食,人民的生命得不到延續,沒有權力,人民的安全得不到保護。但是,內在的生活,外在的安危,遠不及國家與人民之間的互信來得重要。人民的生活安危,是建基於對政府的信任,如政府失信於民,這個政權亦不會存在。

波城的10 月,又是漫天楓葉紅遍,陽光金黃的日子。這裏沒有裝甲坦克輾破的台階,聽不見震耳欲聾的口號聲,看不見軍隊機械式的步伐,公安武警的盾牌、長棍。有的是報章上洋洋溢溢的讀者來函,一幅幅市長、市議員競選宣傳名牌,推著坐在輪椅殘障學生上學校巴士的教師,在老人居住中心外閒坐的老人家,在等候乘坐低排放氣體燃料巴士的人群。這裏絕不是人間天堂,而只不過是人身安全受到保障、個人權利得到尊重的社會,政府是經過人民一人一票產生的,人民有參予政府的權利,彼此信任。60年前的中國,是革命的10月,而期待著今天的10月,就應該是民主的開始。

Sunday, September 27, 2009

丝 丝 小 雨 Light Drizzle

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0mgy7HeoSV8

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O5_fHWeYLtI

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8V6F1QOavAQ

丝 丝 小 雨 (1977)
曲︰豬侯公章
詞︰莊奴

一阵阵绵绵 细 雨, 带来多少凄凉意.
Intermittent and continuous drizzle brings forth much lonely and chilly emotion.
我曾问过丝丝小雨, 是否带来你的消息.
I have asked the light drizzle whether it has brought news about you.
我和你初次相见就在这街头, 是你给我留下难忘的回忆.
We first met on this street corner and it was you who left me an unforgettable memory.
问你,问你,再问你, 几时回到我的怀里.
Ask you, ask you, again ask you, when are you going to return to my embrace?

一段段美丽回忆, 依然荡漾我心里.
Many beautiful recollections are still rippling in my heart.
你的真情,你的真意, 永远永远不会忘记.
Your true affection, your real emotion, will never be forgotten.
我和你初次相见就在这街头, 是你给我留下难忘的回忆.
We first met on this street corner and it was you who left me an unforgettable memory.
想你, 想你, 我想你, 能再回到我的怀里.
Want you, want you, I want you to again be able to return to my embrace.

一片片相思情意, 我想把它献给你.
Pieces of lovesick affection I want to present to you.
春已来到,冬已过去, 还是没有你的消息.
Spring has arrived and Winter has already passed. There is still no news of you.
我和你初次相见就在这街头, 是你给我留下难忘的回忆.
We first met on this street corner and it was you who left me an unforgettable memory.
愿你,愿你,我愿你, 早日回到我的怀里.
Hope you, hope you, I hope you will soon return to my embrace.

(Thanks to masami43 for his following research)
Teresa's Japanese original song of this is "港町 (Minato Machi)", meaning a port town, released in 1975. 作詞:林春生 (Hayashi Haruo) , 作曲:猪俣公章 (Inomata Kousyou).

Saturday, September 26, 2009

Democracy is Good 民主是個好東西


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民主是個好東西,不是對個別的人而言的,也不是對一些官員而言的;它是對整個國家和民族而言的,是對廣大人民群眾而言的。坦率地說,對於那些以自我利益為重的官員而言,民主不但不是一個好東西,還是一個麻煩東西,甚至是一個壞東西。試想,在民主政治條件下,官員要通過公民的選舉產生,要得到多數人的擁護與支持;其權力要受到公民的製約,他不能為所欲為,還要與老百姓平起平坐、討價還價。單這兩點,很多人就不會喜歡。因此,民主政治不會自發運轉,它需要人民自己和代表人民利益的政府官員去推動和實踐。

民主是個好東西,不是說民主什麼都好。民主決不是十全十美的,它有許多內在的不足。民主確實會使公民走上街頭,舉行集會,從而可能引發政局的不穩定;民主使一些在非民主條件下很簡單的事務變得相對複雜和煩瑣,從而增大政治和行政的成本;民主往往需要反反复复的協商和討論,常常會使一些本來應當及時做出的決定,變得懸而未決,從而降低行政效率;民主還會使一些誇誇其談的政治騙子有可乘之機,成為其蒙蔽人民的工具,如此等等。但是,在人類迄今發明和推行的所有政治制度中,民主是弊端最少的一種。也就是說,相對而言,民主是人類迄今最好的政治制度。

民主是個好東西,不是說民主可以為所欲為,能解決一切問題。民主是一種保障主權在民的政治制度,它只是人類眾多製度中的一種,主要規範人們的政治生活,而不能取代其他制度去規範人類的全部生活。民主有內在的局限性,不是萬靈藥,不可能解決人類的所有問題。但民主保證人們的基本人權,給人們提供平等的機會,它本身就是人類的基本價值。民主不僅是解決人們生計的手段,更是人類發展的目標;不僅是實現其他目標的工具,更契合人類自身固有的本性。即使有最好的衣食住行,如果沒有民主的權利,人類的人格就是不完整的。

民主是個好東西,不是說民主就沒有痛苦的代價。民主可能破壞法制,導致社會政治秩序的一時失控,在一定的時期內甚至會阻礙社會經濟的增長;民主也可能破壞國家的和平,造成國內的政治分裂;民主的程序也可能把少數專制獨裁者送上政治舞台。所有這些,都已經在人類的現實生活中出現過,並且還可能不斷再現。因此,有時民主的代價太高,甚至難以承受。然而,從根本上說,這不是民主本身的過錯,而是政治家或政客的過錯。一些政治家不了解民主政治的客觀規律,不顧社會歷史條件,超越社會歷史發展階段,不切實際地推行民主,結果只會適得其反。一些政客則把民主當作其奪取權力的工具,以“民主”的名義,譁眾取寵,欺騙人民。在他們那裡,民主是名,獨裁是實;民主是幌子,權力是實質。

民主是個好東西,不是說民主是無條件的。實現民主需要具備相應的經濟、文化和政治條件,不顧條件而推行民主,會給國家和人民帶來災難性的結果。政治民主是歷史潮流,不斷走向民主是世界各國的必然趨勢。但是,推行民主的時機和速度,選擇民主的方式和製度,則是有條件的。一種理想的民主政治,不僅與社會的經濟制度和經濟發展水平、地緣政治、國際環境相關,而且與國家的政治文化傳統、政治人物和國民的素質、公民的生活習慣等密切相關。如何以最小的政治和社會代價,取得最大的民主效益,需要政治家和民眾的智慧。從這個意義上說,民主政治也是一種政治藝術。推進民主政治,需要精心的製度設計和高超的政治技巧。

民主是個好東西,不是說民主就可以強制人民做什麼。民主最實質性的意義,就是人民的統治,人民的選擇。儘管民主是個好東西,但任何人和任何政治組織,都無權以民主的化身自居,在民主的名義下去強迫人民做什麼和不做什麼。民主需要啟蒙,需要法治,需要權威,也需要暴力來維護正常的秩序。但是,推行民主的基本手段不應當是國家的強制,而應當是人民的同意。民主既然是人民的統治,就應當尊重人民自己的自願選擇。從國內政治層面說,如果政府主要用強製手段,讓人民接受不是他們自己選擇的製度,那就是國內的政治專制,是國內的暴政;如果一個國家主要用強制的手段,讓其他國家的人民也接受自己的所謂民主制度,那就是國際的政治專制,是國際的暴政。無論是國內專制還是國際專制,都與民主的本質背道而馳。

我們正在建設中國特色的社會主義現代化強國,對於我們來說,民主更是一個好東西,也更加必不可少。馬克思主義經典作家說過,沒有民主,就沒有社會主義。最近胡錦濤主席又進而指出,沒有民主,就沒有現代化。當然,我們正在建設的,是具有中國特色的社會主義民主政治。一方面,我們要充分吸取人類政治文明的一切優秀成果,包括民主政治方面的優秀成果;但另一方面,我們不照搬國外的政治模式。我們的民主政治建設,也必須密切結合我國的歷史文化傳統和社會現實條件。只有這樣,中國人民才能真正享受民主政治的甜蜜果實。

(社會科學文獻出版社《民主是個好東西》俞可平)

Tuesday, September 22, 2009

Soft Power 軟實力


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軟實力

在慶祝中共建國60週年之際,香港無線電視推出了系列式紀錄片節目《60年家國》,比較引人注意的是,這個早已被國內廣告商『河蟹』的電視台,加上該台的新聞節目,最近又被香港年青人批評為『是是但但』,談到中國過去60年的發展,究竟能有多少獨立性,還是只有報喜不報憂,用一片歌舞昇平、繁華的視像,掩蓋著深層次的問題呢。

在這個《60年家國》節目中,其中有一集是講及『軟實力』。如在『穀歌』搜尋引擎上找找『軟實力』,立刻出現700多萬個相關詞條,就是『中國軟實力』也有300萬條。若要知道什麼是『軟實力』,便要借助網上『維基百科』了。維基說﹕『軟實力』(Soft Power)的概念是由美國哈佛大學教授約瑟夫奈提出來的。軟實力是指在國際關係中,一個國家所具有的除經濟、軍事以外的第三方面的實力,主要是文化、價值觀、意識形態、民意等方面的影響力。

根據約瑟夫奈的權威說法,硬實力是一國利用其軍事力量和經濟實力,強迫或收買其他國家的能力,軟實力則是一國通過吸引和說服別國,服從你的目標,從而使你得到自己想要的東西的能力。約瑟夫奈教授認為,一個國家的軟實力主要存在於三種資源中:文化(在能對他國產生吸引力的地方起作用)、政治價值觀(當這個國家在國內外努力實踐這些價值觀時)及外交政策(當政策需被認為合法且具有道德威信時)。美國學者尼古拉斯歐維納則認為:軍事以外的影響力都是軟實力,包括意識形態和政治價值的吸引力、文化感召力等。

在鄧小平的改革開放路線主導下,在外交方面則有所謂韜光養晦,深藏不露,隱瞞實力,降低透明度,目的是抵消 『中國威脅論』,以便更好地與外界做生意,避開美國的強勢,顯示中國無意挑戰美國霸權。但是到了江澤民的新時代,開始向世界顯示力量了,為了保證石油從非洲及南美州源源不絕的供應,與這些地區地軍人獨裁政權交往,甚至多次『亮劍』,擺出不惜與美國衝突的姿態。基本上,胡錦濤是繼承了這『鷹派』外交策略,但是稍為修正,就是加進了一些『軟實力』的舉動。

無線在《60年家國》紀錄片中,訪問了由張藝謀親手泡制的《印像西湖》的舞蹈編排總監,她大致有這樣的說法﹕中國人是不喜歡米奇老鼠和唐老鴨的,這是美國人向中國推銷的商品,到中國強大起來的時候,全世界都要接受中國文化的影響,所以我們在世界各國都有『孔子學院』的設置。由此看來,一般搞文化藝術的,不是著眼於與世界去共同分享文化藝術的內涵,而只是著眼於向外輸出,如中國文化人對美國迪斯尼樂園的童話式世界抗拒的話,又憑什麼理由會期望西方社會,會接受類似《印像西湖》的堆砌呢。

同樣的道理,把自由、平等與民主普世價值的核心,排斥於門外,又怎樣在海外弘揚仁、義、禮、智、信呢。孔門儒學大紅人于丹女士,在中央電視台開壇講學,大談《論語》,受到前所未有的哄動。回想『孔家店』,曾在中國被左派進步學人多次打倒,現在卻被同一群人捧上天,有機會獲得平反,應該是一大奇跡了。在本年4月間,于丹竟到英國倫敦講學,大談『禮義廉恥』。由於翻譯上的歧見,當眾呵斥翻譯員,因而發生衝突,當記者向她追問有關『倫敦撒潑』事件時,于丹更說翻譯員『恩將仇報』。這大概就是『軟實力』的硬表現吧。

看看近年來,中國政府對維權及異見人士的打壓、逮捕、拘禁及判刑,這些均不是實力的表現,更談不上軟實力。文化內涵的感召力、政治價值的吸引力與道德權威的影響力,被視為軟實力的源泉。心繫家國,雖然,60年已經過去了,在下一個60 年結束時,已經不會是上一代人所能看到的了,作為歷史的另一個新起點,對自由、平等與民主的理念,仍然是抱有期待。

Monday, September 21, 2009

LSD 社民連


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「五區總辭 全民公決」方案概要

一、議題

社民連認為,五區總辭全民公決的議題,應確立為「爭取2012年雙普選」,堅持爭取2012年雙普選,是0708年區議會及立法會選舉民主派候選人獲得選民支持的主要原因,也是民主派回應07年底人大否決2012雙普選的共同立場。因此我們沒有理由從此一立場退卻。反之,我們若以此為公決議題而成功獲得大多數選民認可,我們才能以此為否決任何與民主普選不符的2012政改方案的依據。再者,若香港市民透過「全民公決」,表示人大常委會的決定不符合香港人民的意願,香港人以選票,主動爭取憲法及基本法所賦予的權利,這不只是香港民主運動的重大突破,也將會是中國民主運動的里程碑。

二、時機

社民連認為「五區總辭,全民公決」的時機,應該在政府提出2012政改方案之前,甚至現在就可立即總辭。香港特區政府對於政改方案沒有絲毫主導權已是眾所週知,而中央對於保留功能組別及分組點票,以及要用提名委員會確保只有自己屬意的候選人參加行政長官的意圖更是彰彰明甚,是以,我們幾可確定,曾蔭權即將提出的方案是沒有路線圖之餘,其方案的本質也會一如05年「循序漸退」。因此,民主派不必再隨特區政府的假諮詢起舞,盡快實行五區總辭,務必在政府在將政改方案提交立法會通過前使公投有結果。

三、人選

社民連建議五區總辭的人選,應按泛民主派各黨目前所佔直選議席比例派出,即民主黨派出兩人,公民黨派出一人,社民連派出一人,最後一人從各獨立議員協商產生。若其他泛民主派盟友會因辭任議員,而使其所屬組織內部出現重大困難而不願參與,社民連的三位議員都願意辭職,希望能促成「五區總辭,全民公決」,把政制發展決定權還給人民。

把政制發展的決定權還給人民!

五區總辭 全民公決 爭取2012年雙普選

http://www.lsd.org.hk/doc/file/2009proposal.doc

Tuesday, September 15, 2009

Healthcare Reform 醫保改革


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醫保改革

在全國各地舉行無數次的鄉鎮會堂集會中,奧巴馬被嘲弄成為社會主義者、撒謊者、甚至納粹希特拉,已經不是新鮮的頭條了。曾幾何時,總統奧巴馬的民望,由上任後的百份之70以上,跌至百份之52,原因在那裏呢,就是重提在克林頓時代,差不多成功通過的醫療保建改革,實現在競選時的承諾,銳意推行全民保健,因而惹來保守派,及在現時醫保企業,獲巨額利潤的財團反對,當然還有在總統大選中,敗下陣來的共和黨政客,更急不及待地,藉此機會,跳上樂隊花車,一沉百踩了。

為著反擊這些反對醫療保建改革大合唱,奧巴馬除出席了多次鄉鎮會堂集會外,更在上星期三,在美國參眾兩院聯席會議上,向全國發表演說,解釋人們對有關醫療保建改革的存疑,及重新說明這個全民保健的主要內容。在講話當中,受到在場的共和黨人喝倒彩,坐著不起立及不鼓掌的冷待。來自南卡羅連納州眾議員祖威爾遜,更中途打斷奧巴馬的演講,在席中高喊﹕你說謊。在莊嚴的會議進行中,用如此不禮貌的行為對待講者,受到了大眾及輿論的指責。雖然,事後威爾遜眾議員發表公開聲明道歉,而總統也表示接受,這位眾議員還利用這事件,為自己進行捐款宣傳,爭取選民的同情,實屬荒誕。

究竟共和黨政客及保守派的恐懼在那裏呢,歸納起來大概有3大點﹕非法移民會藉此取得醫保資助、醫療過失訴訟會大增,及聯邦政府資助墮胎。不過這些都是捕風捉影,煽動反對情緒,無助理性的公開討論。由於現時的醫保建議,對受保人不會進行嚴格的身份審查,這會令非法移民有機可乘,利用假身份投保,或從而取得政府在醫保的資助。但是,如進行過份嚴格的審查,對合法人士也構成不必要的負擔與不便,因而增加了不少行政上的開支。

但無論如何,醫保改革提案的而且確,沒有說要向非法移民提供醫保資助,而事實上任何人,包括無證移民,可自行支付購買昂貴的醫療保險的費用,這是無人能夠去阻止的。不過細想一下,非法移民與沒有醫療保險的人一樣,如有任何醫療需要,只會增加急診醫療服務的開支,這又是州政府要去承擔的。此外,投保人多了,醫療過失的訴訟也會增加,這是十分正常的結果。宗教人士基於信仰原因,一直以來都反對墮胎,這是可以理解的,但是,墮胎合法化是美國最高法院的裁決,在未推翻之前,仍然是合法的。而現行聯邦醫療補助規定,是不能資助墮胎程序的,而奧巴馬在參眾兩院聯席會議講話中,也明確地強調這一點。

實現全民保健是要支付昂貴的代價的,在美國這個社會,沒有東西是來得便宜的,這已是公認的事實,不要以為商辦比公營來得有效及廉宜,由政府經營可能會減少為利是圖,但是無法避免浪費。而商人為追求成本效益及最高利潤,當然會羅列規矩,設諸多限制,為著取得平衡,方法唯有維持現有的私營醫保公司,還加上公營的選擇,希望在良性的競爭下,能降低投保的費用,令更多人能支付醫保,共同分擔保金,實現全民保健,這應是受大眾歡迎的。

餘下來就是誰去付帳的問題。整個醫保改革叫價是8800億美元,奧巴馬曾誇下海口說,若這醫保計劃增加聯邦財赤一個仙,都不會簽署的。但估計這樣的醫保計劃,會佔去家庭收入的百份之13,算是一項可觀的開支,雖然,聯邦政府會給予投保人士稅項回扣,現時4千6百萬沒有醫保的人,其中400萬中產人士要自行投保,而沒及資格取得聯邦的資助,故此,來自中產階層反對的聲音,是十分強烈的。

在一個階級壁壘分明的社會,任何政策都會造成對立的局面。物質不甚富裕的人,獲得較急切的服務,是非常必要的。雖然,這不一定會有損部份人的利益,但是,當然會意味著要由其他人去共同分擔。畢竟,這不應該是一個人情涼薄的世界,倘若同舟共濟,不是美國宗教道德的取向的話,反對全民保健計劃是絕對可以理解的,要是對大愛、大善的向往只是屬個人追求,那麼其他普世價值也無用多說了。

Sunday, September 13, 2009

Joe Hill 昨夜夢喬山


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Joe Hill 昨夜夢喬山

I dreamed I saw Joe Hill last night,
alive as you and me.
Says I "But Joe, you're ten years dead"
"I never died" said he,
"I never died" said he.

昨夜,我在睡夢中看到喬山,
如你和我一起活著。
我說:“可是喬山,你已在十年前死去。”
他說﹕“我從來沒有死,”
“我並沒有死。 ”

"The Copper Bosses killed you Joe,
they shot you Joe" says I.
"Takes more than guns to kill a man"
Says Joe "I didn't die"
Says Joe "I didn't die"

我說:“喬山,是銅礦老闆殺了你,
他們開槍殺你。”
喬山說:“槍是殺不了人的,”
“我沒有死,”
“我並沒有死。”

"In Salt Lake City, Joe," says I,
Him standing by my bed,
"They framed you on a murder charge,"
Says Joe, "But I ain't dead,"
Says Joe, "But I ain't dead."

我說上主站在我的床邊﹕
“喬山,在鹽湖城,”
“他們誣陷你謀殺。”
喬山說﹕“但是我沒有死,”
“我並沒有死。”

And standing there as big as life
and smiling with his eyes.
Says Joe "What they can never kill
went on to organize,
went on to organize"

他站在那裏,生命如此偉大,
眼睛流露著微笑。
喬山說:“他們是殺不盡的,”
“去繼續組織,”
“要繼續抗爭。”

From San Diego up to Maine,
in every mine and mill,
Where working men defend their rights,
it's there you'll find Joe Hill,
it's there you'll find Joe Hill!

從聖地牙哥到緬因州,
在每一個礦山和工廠,
工人均捍衛自己的權益。
無論在那裏,都會有喬山,
無論在那裏,你都會找到喬山!

I dreamed I saw Joe Hill last night,
alive as you and me.
Says I "But Joe, you're ten years dead"
"I never died" said he,
"I never died" said he.

昨夜,我在睡夢中看到喬山,
如你和我一起活著。
我說:“可是喬山,你已在十年前死去。”
他說﹕“我從來沒有死,”
“我並沒有死。 ”

Joe Hill 昨夜夢喬山






10:49
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZBXJeKwtQhY
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wfEVcVQyEbI
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YR6SMAJQW8Y&feature=PlayList&p=EE30D63999B244D3&playnext=1&playnext _from=PL&index=20
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q2OivplOBq8&feature=PlayList&p=8031EA3C0F33BAF1&playnext=1&playnext _from=PL&index=1

Joe Hill 昨夜夢喬山

I dreamed I saw Joe Hill last night,
alive as you and me.
Says I "But Joe, you're ten years dead"
"I never died" said he,
"I never died" said he.

昨夜,我在睡夢中看到喬山,
如你和我一起活著。
我說:“可是喬山,你已在十年前死去。”
他說﹕“我從來沒有死,”
“我並沒有死。 ”

"The Copper Bosses killed you Joe,
they shot you Joe" says I.
"Takes more than guns to kill a man"
Says Joe "I didn't die"
Says Joe "I didn't die"

我說:“喬山,是銅礦老闆殺了你,
他們開槍殺你。”
喬說:“槍是殺不了人的,”
“我沒有死,”
“我並沒有死。”

"In Salt Lake City, Joe," says I,
Him standing by my bed,
"They framed you on a murder charge,"
Says Joe, "But I ain't dead,"
Says Joe, "But I ain't dead."

我說上主站在我的床邊﹕
“喬山,在鹽湖城,”
“他們誣陷你謀殺。”
喬山說﹕“但是我沒有死,”
“我並沒有死。”

And standing there as big as life
and smiling with his eyes.
Says Joe "What they can never kill
went on to organize,
went on to organize"

他站在那裏,生命如此偉大,
眼睛流露著微笑。
喬山說:“他們是殺不盡的,”
“去繼續組織,”
“要繼續抗爭。”

From San Diego up to Maine,
in every mine and mill,
Where working men defend their rights,
it's there you'll find Joe Hill,
it's there you'll find Joe Hill!

從聖地牙哥到緬因州,
在每一個礦山和工廠,
工人均捍衛自己的權益。
無論在那裏,都會有喬山,
無論在那裏,你都會找到喬山!

I dreamed I saw Joe Hill last night,
alive as you and me.
Says I "But Joe, you're ten years dead"
"I never died" said he,
"I never died" said he.

昨夜,我在睡夢中看到喬山,
如你和我一起活著。
我說:“可是喬山,你已在十年前死去。”
他說﹕“我從來沒有死,”
“我並沒有死。 ”

長為曙光盼 In Love and War



























曲 : 顧家輝 / 詞 : 黃霑

血在翻 心在冷
你是忍心一去不復還
誰奪我歡樂 遺我失落
帶走朝陽金光燦

百樣悲 千重嘆
我恨水枯山缺花亦殘
留下你的夢 留我悲慟
留下黑夜滿天冷

美好江山失青蔥 碧海血淚染斑
何日會青天再見 光輝再重返

雨在泣 風在嘆
帶淚哭一聲你不復還
懷著你的夢 埋了悲慟
長為他日曙光盼

懷著你希望 抬眼天際望
長為他日曙光盼


歌曲來源 : MP3 音樂網
http://www.51wma.com/sort/1_399_24174...

Friday, September 11, 2009

ROAD LESS TRAVELED 鮮踏之途


 

ROAD LESS TRAVELED鮮踏之途

Two roads diverged in a yellow wood
秋葉金黃,林路兩分叉

And sorry I could not travel both無法兩路皆走,實為難

And be one traveler, long I stood孤旅獨行,住足久久未前

And looked down one as far as I could一途遠眺盡望

To where it bent in the undergrowth隱沒在亂草叢中


Then took the other as just as fair
選擇另一條路,同樣好走

And having perhaps the better claim或許,更來得合理

Because it was grassy and wanted wear雜草處生,待理坦途

Though as for that, the passing there話雖如此,一經踐踏

Had worn them really about the same兩路已無殊


And both that morning equally lay
在早上,兩路並存

In leaves no step had trodden black落葉蓋路,未見足跡

Oh, I kept the first for another day!我把第一條路,留給他日踩

Yet, knowing how way leads onto way然而路的盡頭,別有去處

I doubted if I should ever come back心有疑問,難愎再


I shall be telling this with a sigh
嗟歎訴前情

Somewhere ages and ages hence年華盡洗,不知何往

Two roads diverged in a wood林路兩分叉

And I took the one less traveled by選那鮮踏之途

And that has made all the difference路盡處,換了天地人寰


Robert Frost

Thursday, September 10, 2009

AMERICAN TUNE 美調

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AE3kKUEY5WU

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l_sl4r0eGVY

Words & music by Paul Simon

American Tune 美調

 

Many's the time I've been mistaken少受屈辱的時候

And many times confused困惑

Yes, and I've often felt forsaken是的,感受到被遺

And certainly misused得不到別人的賞識

Oh, but I'm all right, I'm all right噢,這又何需介懷毋用記掛

I'm just weary to my bones不過銘心的煩擾

Still, you don't expect to be仍然不記以厚望

Bright and bon vivant天資聰敏,生活講究

So far away from home, so far away from home

鄉別井長路漫漫

And I don't know a soul who's not been battered我不知沒有被糟撻的靈魂

I don't have a friend who feels at ease沒有朋友替我開解

I don't know a dream that's not been shattered我不知會有從不破碎的夢想

or driven to its knees即使卑躬屈膝

but it's all right, it's all right但又何需介懷毋用記掛

for we lived so well so long同舟共濟多時,生活無憂

Still, when I think of the不過,當我想到

road we're traveling on一起走下去的人生

I wonder what's gone wrong不知在那裏出

I can't help it, I wonder what's gone wrong說是無法避免但真不知道錯在那裏


And I dreamed I was dying我夢見我亡的邊沿

I dreamed that my soul rose unexpectedly

不附體,隨遊蕩

And looking back down at me往下回望

Smiled reassuringly微笑地給我保證

And I dreamed I was flying我夢見我

And high up above my eyes could clearly see在虛無飄渺中清楚看到

The Statue of Liberty自由神像

Sailing away to sea

大海慈航

And I dreamed I was crying我夢見我在哭

We come on the ship they call the Mayflower五月花號漂來

We come on the ship that sailed the moon飛往

We come in the age's most uncertain hours生不逢時,誕於亂世

and sing an American tune唱美調

Oh, and it's alright, it's all right, it's all right但又何需介懷毋用記掛,隨遇而安

You can't be forever blessed

難存

Still, tomorrow's going to be another working day

明天是一工作的開始

And I'm trying to get some rest讓我安睡

That's all I'm trying to get some rest

重拾戰鬥



Letter to the President 給總統的信


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... Kennedy's empty desk, draped with black velvet cloth. A glass vase of white roses and a copy of a favorite Kennedy poem, Robert Frost's "The Road Not Taken," were perched atop the desk at the rear of the chamber. ...

‘We will - yes, we will - fulfill the promise on health care’
The text of the letter from Senator Edward M. Kennedy to President Obama that Obama made public last night during his speech on health care:

September 10, 2009

May 12, 2009

Dear Mr. President,

I wanted to write a few final words to you to express my gratitude for your repeated personal kindnesses to me - and one last time, to salute your leadership in giving our country back its future and its truth.

On a personal level, you and Michelle reached out to Vicki, to our family and me in so many different ways. You helped to make these difficult months a happy time in my life.

You also made it a time of hope for me and for our country.
When I thought of all the years, all the battles, and all the memories of my long public life, I felt confident in these closing days that while I will not be there when it happens, you will be the President who at long last signs into law the health care reform that is the great unfinished business of our society. For me, this cause stretched across decades; it has been disappointed, but never finally defeated. It was the cause of my life. And in the past year, the prospect of victory sustained me - and the work of achieving it summoned my energy and determination.

There will be struggles - there always have been - and they are already underway again. But as we moved forward in these months, I learned that you will not yield to calls to retreat - that you will stay with the cause until it is won. I saw your conviction that the time is now and witnessed your unwavering commitment and understanding that health care is a decisive issue for our future prosperity. But you have also reminded all of us that it concerns more than material things; that what we face is above all a moral issue; that at stake are not just the details of policy, but fundamental principles of social justice and the character of our country.

And so because of your vision and resolve, I came to believe that soon, very soon, affordable health coverage will be available to all, in an America where the state of a family’s health will never again depend on the amount of a family’s wealth. And while I will not see the victory, I was able to look forward and know that we will - yes, we will - fulfill the promise of health care in America as a right and not a privilege.

In closing, let me say again how proud I was to be part of your campaign - and proud as well to play a part in the early months of a new era of high purpose and achievement. I entered public life with a young President who inspired a generation and the world. It gives me great hope that as I leave, another young President inspires another generation and once more on America’s behalf inspires the entire world.

So, I wrote this to thank you one last time as a friend - and to stand with you one last time for change and the America we can become.

At the Denver Convention where you were nominated, I said the dream lives on.

And I finished this letter with unshakable faith that the dream will be fulfilled for this generation, and preserved and enlarged for generations to come.

With deep respect and abiding affection,

Ted

Wednesday, September 9, 2009

Road Less Travelled


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ROAD LESS TRAVELED

Two roads diverged in a yellow wood
And sorry I could not travel both
And be one traveler, long I stood
And looked down one as far as I could
To where it bent in the undergrowth

Then took the other as just as fair
And having perhaps the better claim
Because it was grassy and wanted wear
Though as for that, the passing there
Had worn them really about the same

And both that morning equally lay
In leaves no step had trodden black
Oh, I kept the first for another day!
Yet, knowing how way leads onto way
I doubted if I should ever come back

I shall be telling this with a sigh
Somewhere ages and ages hence
Two roads diverged in a wood
And I took the one less traveled by
And that has made all the difference




Robert Frost (1874-1963)
ROAD LESS TRAVELED 鮮踏之途

Two roads diverged in a yellow wood
秋葉金黃,林路兩分叉
And sorry I could not travel both
無法兩路皆走,實為難
And be one traveler, long I stood
孤旅獨行,住足久久未前
And looked down one as far as I could
一途遠眺盡望
To where it bent in the undergrowth
隱沒在亂草叢中

Then took the other as just as fair
選擇另一條路,同樣好走
And having perhaps the better claim
或許,更來得合理
Because it was grassy and wanted wear
雜草處生,待理坦途
Though as for that, the passing there
話雖如此,一經踐踏
Had worn them really about the same
兩路已無殊

And both that morning equally lay
在早上,兩路並存
In leaves no step had trodden black
落葉蓋路,未見足跡
Oh, I kept the first for another day!
我把第一條路,留給他日踩
Yet, knowing how way leads onto way
然而路的盡頭,別有去處
I doubted if I should ever come back
心有疑問,難愎再

I shall be telling this with a sigh
嗟歎訴前情
Somewhere ages and ages hence
年華盡洗,不知何往
Two roads diverged in a wood
林路兩分叉
And I took the one less traveled by
選那鮮踏之途
And that has made all the difference
路盡處,換了天地人寰

Tuesday, September 8, 2009

我的志願 My Ambition


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我的志願

在上一個世紀的莘莘學子,大概都會聽過或唱過《讀書郎》這首歌曲,歌詞是這樣﹕小嘛小兒郎,背著那書包上學堂。不怕太陽曬,也不怕那風雨狂,只怕先生罵我懶哪,沒有學問,無臉見爹娘。小嘛小兒郎,背著那書包上學堂。不是為做官,也不是為面子光,只為做人要爭氣,不受人欺負,不做牛和羊。

這首歌的作者就是宋揚,前幾年才去逝。在1944 年秋,這位共黨文藝工作者正在廣西貴州,做抗日宣傳工作,在途中遇到日軍空襲受傷,被送到貴州安順陸軍醫院治療。醫院旁邊有一間小學,在養傷期間,每天躺在床上,看著孩子們上學、放學,靈感觸發,寫下了這一首兒歌。(資料來自互聯網)

在只有收音機及黑膠唱片的年代,這首歌已經是流傳甚廣,在兩岸三地及海外華人社會,成了不少上一代人的集體回憶。歌詞淺白簡單,說出了學生求學讀書的態度,責任是為了向父母、老師交代,而目標是要爭氣、向上,不再做牛、做馬。在那個年代,社會的潛規則就是,沒有學識,就只能做低下的工作,抬不起頭來,讀得成書,便能出人頭地。不過,作者是非常清楚地說明,讀書不是為了做官、爭面子光的。

做過學生的,無論在小學或中學,都必定寫過『我的志願』這個作文題目。在香港,學生佔大部份都會說想做醫生、律師、護士或教師,當然,也會有的想做歌星、明星。在美國的小學生更會說要當總統的。有位在英國的網上朋友,說她的4歲兒子最近已有很大的進步,已從想做一個跟隨垃圾車收集垃圾的工人,進展到想做一個推土車工人了。這些當然是還未上學的孩子,每天靠在窗前,看到街上的發生事情,所得到對日後工作的想像。

在9月初剛開課時,廣州南方都市報記者走進了一間小學,訪問了幾名小學一年級新生,問他們有關「我的志願」,長大後想做甚麼,有的回答說想做飛行員、老師、畫家、消防員等等,當然也有說不知道想做什麼,但是,其中一名6歲小一女生說想做官,記者繼續問她想做什麼官,她說想做『貪官』,並聽過母親說『貪官會有很多東西』。

該段訪問已上載到互聯網的短片區,大批網民嘩然,並引起了討論,指出孩子的言行,反映了官場黑暗的社會現實,貪污腐敗情況嚴重,連小學生也受歪風荼毒,當然,也有網民認為只是童言無忌,小學生根本分不清甚麼是清官、貪官,只是從父母和新聞報道上耳濡目染獲知。

話雖如此,小一學生有可能真的不知道,為什麼會有『貪官』,而『貪官』為什麼會有『這麼多的東西』,但不可能不知道『貪』字的意思,如貪心、貪玩、貪睡、貪錢等,真不相信這些『負面』的概念,或正面的如誠實、勤力,不可不勞而獲的基本價值取向,從來未有從學前教育、家庭教育、兒童遊戲中,進入過小孩子的思維。當然,假若社會甚至當官的,對『貪』這一『念』,覺得已成了一種正常的運作,生活的常規,就難怪小學生會把當『貪官』,看作為人生的『志願』了。

在80年代,香港歌星徐小鳳已把《讀書郎》這首歌,唱成了流行曲,健康的通俗文化除了帶給人們娛樂外,還會有教化的作用。而透過法律的懲治,貪官受到雙規、判刑是會有阻嚇作用,更重要的還是要大力推行公民教育。看來60 多年前,宋揚既然早已在這首兒歌中,點出讀書不是為了做官,當貪官更不用說了,現在唱起《讀書郎》來,還是有著時代的意義的。

在星期二中午,美國總統奧巴馬首次透過電視媒介,向全國學生發表講話,藉著新學年的開始,給莘莘學子上一堂公民教育課,強調普世人生價值,似乎在貪官橫行的中國,領導人更應利用這個開學的機會,勸喻學生不要以當貪官作為求學目的、未來的志願,更加是逼切的了。

Sunday, September 6, 2009

Step Down 下台


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China fires local officials amid unrest
Street protests continue in volatile region
By Christopher Bodeen, Associated Press | September 6, 2009

URUMQI, China - Chinese leaders bowed to public demands and fired the head of a western city wracked by communal violence and a bizarre string of needle attacks, hoping to calm uneasy mobs and end protests that percolated for a third day yesterday.

The removal of Urumqi’s Communist Party Secretary Li Zhi came amid reports of police again dispersing crowds outside Urumqi’s government offices using tear gas and more unconfirmed reports of hypodermic needle attacks, including one on an 11-year-old boy in a downtown square.

The city’s chief prosecutor gave further details about four people arrested over the attacks, but offered little to back up the government’s claims that they were part an organized campaign to spread terror.

Protesters marched by the thousands last week demanding the resignation of Li and his boss, Xinjiang party secretary Wang Lequan, for failing to provide adequate public safety. Also removed from office was the police chief of Xinjiang, whose capital is Urumqi.

An Urumqi government spokeswoman and the official Xinhua News Agency gave no reasons for the changes. But July’s riot was the worst communal violence in more than a decade in Xinjiang, where Uighur separatists have waged a sporadically violent campaign for a homeland. Renewed protests last week underscored the difficulties authorities were having in reasserting control.

The firing may also help quash calls to dismiss Wang, a member of the country’s ruling Politburo and an ally of President Hu Jintao.

“I would say that this is the sacrificial lamb,’’ Russell Leigh Moses, an analyst of Chinese politics based in Beijing. “But it will be interesting to see what the reaction in the streets is and whether this satisfies people’s anger or not.’’

Li, a 58-year-old career official in Xinjiang, played a visible role during the demonstrations. On Thursday, when more than 10,000 people protested through the city, Li and Wang separately waded into crowds to meet with protesters to defuse tensions, only to be greeted with shouts to “step down.’’

“Do I not know that I should protect my brothers and sisters?’’ Li told them, according to footage aired on Urumqi’s TV station and recounted by a local newspaper editor.

It wasn’t clear whether protesters would be assuaged and two key demands - an end to the syringe attacks and the swift punishment of those responsible for the July rioting - have yet to be met.

A show of force by thousands of troops restored calm to much of the city. Paramilitary police manned checkpoints around government and party offices and put up barricades backed by tanks at entrances to a heavily Uighur neighborhood - a sign that officials were worried the mainly Han protesters might try to storm in.

More than 500 people have sought treatment for stabbings, though only about 100 showed signs of having been pricked, according to state media reports.

Members of a visiting People’s Liberation Army medical team said they conducted checks on 22 patients who showed clear signs of having been stabbed and found no indication that radioactive or biochemical substances had been used in the attacks.

Tests were still being conducted for HIV, hepatitis, and sexually transmitted diseases.

Saturday, September 5, 2009

Try to remember

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H-gIb04o3Ck&feature=fvw
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DfC8yHoEPTE&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iqxQj9DwmEE&feature=fvw
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iPZVGdm_CJ8&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ksVrsVrDl9Q&feature=related

Music: Harvey Schmidt
Lyrics: Tom Jones
Book: Tom Jones
Premiere: Tuesday, May 3, 1960
Try to remember the kind of September                   
嘗試回想昔日的九月天 

When life was slow and oh so mellow                     
生活悠閒、舒暢

Try to remember the kind of September                   
嘗試回想昔日的九月天

When grass was green and grain was yellow               
綠草如茵、麥穗金黃 
Try to remember the kind of September                   
嘗試回想昔日的九月天
When you were a tender and callow fellow                
那時你是個溫柔稚氣的小伙子

Try to remember and if you remember then follow         
倘若回想能勾起昔日的情懷,那就延續這種感覺吧
Try to remember when life was so tender                 
嘗試回想昔日的生活是多麼溫馨                                   

That no one wept except the willow                      
只有楊柳樹才會哭泣
Try to remember when life was so tender                 
嘗試回想昔日的生活是多麼溫馨
That dreams were kept beside your pillow                
一切美夢都留在枕邊
Try to remember when life was so tender                 
嘗試回想昔日的生活是多麼溫馨  
That love was an ember about to billow                  
那愛的火花正燃起著
Try to remember and if you remember then follow         
倘若回想能勾起昔日的情懷,那就延續這種感覺吧     
Deep in December it's nice to remember                  
十二月底下我們樂在回想中 
Altho' you know the snow will follow                    
縱使知道皓雪將至
Deep in December it's nice to remember                  
十二月底下我們樂在回想中
Without the hurt the heart is hollow                    
沒有受過創傷的心靈總是空虛的 
Deep in December it's nice to remember                  
十二月底下我們樂在回想中
The fire of September that made us mellow               
憶起我們沉醉於愛火的九月天

Deep in December our hearts should remember and follow

 

十二月底下讓我們回想,延續這個緬懷過往的感覺吧

 


Thursday, September 3, 2009

波士頓市長選舉 Boston Mayoral Election


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GLOBE EDITORIAL
A weary performance by Menino
September 3, 2009

Boston Mayor Thomas Menino woke up at 3 a.m. before his first debate before the Sept. 22 preliminary election. It could have been a premonition that three guys were after him. And they were.

Menino took something of a beating last night from his challengers - Kevin McCrea and city councilors Michael Flaherty and Sam Yoon - during an hour-long televised debate on WBZ-TV. McCrea hit him with as yet unsubstantiated charges of City Hall corruption. Yoon, a second term councilor, scolded him like an imperious IT guy for failing to bring information technology at City Hall into the 21st century. And Flaherty, who has served on the council since 2000, prodded Menino on his failure to make good on efforts to bring major improvements to the city’s schools or stand up consistently for residency requirements for city employees.

Menino was ineffective in the debate. Had he been that ineffective in office, voters would have given up on him long before his fourth term. Menino didn’t want to get too bogged down in arcane details, one of his tendencies during debates. And he didn’t want the camera to capture him looking too dismissive of his opponents, another tendency. He did neither. But his overall effort was flat. He offered no on-air defense against McCrea’s charge that the Boston Redevelopment Authority handed the owners of the One Beacon Street tower a 40-year tax exemption for no good reason. He was ineffective when parrying Flaherty’s charge that Menino’s support for an increase in the meals and hotel tax would hurt small businesses. And he allowed Yoon, a youthful 39, to make him look old, but not very wise.

Menino will need to make a much more spirited defense of his record when he faces his challengers again on Sept. 10. Yoon repeatedly accused Menino of having too much power. The mayor has exercised that power in ways that raised the quality of life for many Bostonians. But you never would have known it last night.

Wednesday, September 2, 2009

謝長發,你媽媽喊你回家吃飯!


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異議人士謝長發遭重判家屬抗議
中國湖南異議人士謝長發被法院以“顛覆國家政權”罪名判處有期徒刑13年。謝長發的家屬對判決表示憤怒,代表律師則估計會提出上訴。

謝長發的律師馬綱權星期三(9月2日)向BBC中文網介紹說,當局是以謝長發參與籌建中國民主黨,以及組織中國民主黨第一次全國代表大會而被起訴的。

馬綱權與謝長發的胞弟謝長禎都對這次判決感到不滿。按照法律規定,謝長發最遲可在下周內提出上訴。

此間的一些分析認為,隨著60周年國慶臨近,中國當局加緊透過逮捕、判刑和騷擾辯護律師等手段來對異議人士進行打壓。謝長禎促請國際社會關注這次判決。

57歲的謝長發自1998年開始參與中國民主黨的籌建工作,去年6月被長沙市公安局逮捕,今年4月28日在長沙市中級法院受審。

他曾在1989年“六四”天安門事件期間參與“工自聯”的工作,被判處3年勞動改造。

“違法判決”

謝長禎星期三接受BBC中文網採訪時說,法院只通知了馬綱權律師宣判的時間。他是接到律師的通知後才到長沙市中級法院旁聽。

謝長禎說,整個判決過程歷時約30分鐘,他隨後向法院索取了判決書,並隨即要求探望兄長,但看守所表示,必須在上訴期過後,當局下達了執行書,才可以申請探望。

長沙市中級法院是在星期二(1日)宣判。按照判決書所述,謝長發最遲可在下周五(11日)提出上訴。

謝長禎對當局指控其兄長的內容批評說:“說他在網絡上大肆宣傳……其實並沒有這麼回事,就是捏造的事實。”

馬綱權則指出,中國《刑法》內並無“非法組織政黨”罪行,因此長沙法院的判決是違法行為。

馬綱權說:“在長沙市看守所會見謝長發的時候,謝長發已經明確的跟我講,他自己也認為不構成犯罪。如果法院判處他構成犯罪,哪怕只判他坐一天的牢,他也會上訴的。”

他批評說,檢察院在起訴書上沒有說明謝長發是首要分子,不符合《刑法》有關“顛覆國家政權罪”處以10年以上有期徒刑的條件,法院這次判處13年有期徒刑是“把法條都拋在一邊了”。

香港支聯會就謝長發一案的判決發表了抗議聲明,要求當局馬上釋放謝長發等異議人士。

BBC中文網報導
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/chinese/trad/hi/newsid_8230000/newsid_8233000/8233049.stm

A change is gonna come 改變將臨

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aHa096VQ8FE

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yvayzIktTJ4

A Change Is Gonna Come Lyrics - SEAL

I was born by the river in a little tent
Oh and just like the river I’ve been running ever since
It’s been a long, a long time coming
But I know a change gonna come, oh yes it will

It’s been too hard living but I’m afraid to die
Cause I don’t know what’s up there beyond the sky
It’s been a long, a long time coming
But I know a change gonna come, oh yes it will

I go to the movie and I go downtown
Somebody keep telling me don’t hang around
It’s been a long, a long time coming
But I know a change gonna come, oh yes it will

Then I go to my brother
And I say brother help me please
But he winds up knocking me
Back down on my knees

Ohhhhhh…..

There been times that I thought I couldn’t last for long
But now I think I’m able to carry on
It’s been a long, a long time coming
But I know a change gonna come, oh yes it will

我出生在河邊的一個小帳篷裡
我一直以來都在漂流,像河流一樣
這是很漫長的時間了
不過,我知道是要去改變未來
等了很久了
這是很難的生活
噢,是的,它一定會發生
但是我不怕跌倒
因為我不只知道前方有什麼
很長的時間
等了很久了
超越天空
改變未來
噢,是的,它將要發生
但我知道
我去看電影,我去市區裡
一直的有人告訴我不要一直觀望
這是漫長
等了很久了
我去市區
噢,是的,將
不過,我知道要去的變化來
然後我去找我的兄弟
我說兄弟幫我請
敲擊箱
但他風
噢!
目前已經倍,我想我不能持續很長時間
但現在我認為我能夠繼續
這是漫長
等了很久了
但我知道
改變要去來
噢,是的,將

(百度)

Lead Poisoning 中鉛毒


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China’s bright future - and filthy present
By Christina Larson | September 2, 2009

RIGHT NOW is a great time to be an environmentalist in China - especially if you’re a foreigner. The politicians here care, at last, about your issues.

In recent months, Beijing has made increasing commitments to boosting alternative energy and energy efficiency, which will reduce the rate at which China’s carbon emissions rise over the next two decades. China is pouring billions of dollars into alternative energy - an investment that, as a percentage of GDP, is 10 times that of the United States. Its installed wind capacity has doubled in each of the past four years.

No wonder international newspapers have carried recent breathless headlines about China’s “green-power revolution.’’

Yet at the same time, domestic Chinese newspapers have carried a string of reports about the human costs of local pollution. Indeed, the faltering response to pollution contrasts starkly with China’s foresight on energy, and indicates that the country’s political system is far better at envisioning solutions for the future than fixing problems already at hand.

To name a few examples: a polluting smelter in Shaanxi province resulted in 600 children sick with serious lead poisoning; more than 500 residents near a chemical factory in Hunan province are suffering from cadmium poisoning; tap water contaminated by raw sewage in Inner Mongolia sickened 4,000 people. The Beijing-based magazine Caijing recently reported on how chemical pollution has contaminated the soil and rivers throughout Hunan province.

Even as China is greening its power supply, its rivers are getting blacker, according to Jin Jiamin, founder of Global Environment Institute, a domestic Beijing-based NGO.

The reasons are largely political. Efforts to increase alternative energy and energy efficiency are backed by the powerful National Development and Reform Commission and usually coincide with Beijing’s economic agenda. Targeting more money to wind-turbine manufacturers and hydropower companies (and local governments, whose tax base increases) helps enrich everyone.

But efforts to enforce stricter pollution controls, which can threaten factory shut-downs and stand in the way of economic activity, have proceeded much more slowly. And their champion, the Ministry of Environmental Protection, occupies a much weaker position in the Beijing political pantheon.

“In China, we’re still facing a lot more immediate environmental problems than climate change,’’ says Wen Bo, a well-known environmental advocate in Beijing.

Since the first legal Chinese civic organization, Friends of Nature, was founded in 1994, environmental groups have been the spearhead of China’s fledging non-governmental sector, with more than 5,000 groups in existence today.

Ironically, even as climate change has climbed on the national agenda, the political space for domestic green groups has shrunk. Lawyers championing the rights of pollution victims in China have been harassed, and a number of green groups have faced recent scrutiny for alleged tax problems (a typical intimidation tactic). Five years ago, “public participation’’ was a popular mantra among some environmental officials in Beijing, but today the chief government advocate for opening political space, Pan Yue, has been relieved of many of his former responsibilities.

There are in essence two environmental movements underway in China - one focused on forward-looking climate and energy issues; the other on immediate domestic issues, such as air and water pollution. The former is championed by international coalitions; the latter by local groups. The former is growing at a rapid clip, with Beijing’s political blessing (stirring amazement and admiration of many foreign observers), while the latter is decidedly struggling (new cases of cancer linked to environmental pollution continue to rise in China).

Sometimes the goals align: Building clean-energy infrastructure in place of coal-fired power plants will help ensure less sooty air in the future. Yet wind farms in Inner Mongolia alone won’t clean up the province’s contaminated water.

In the West, environmental movements followed a certain trajectory: First we dirtied and then cleaned up our air and water; now we’re grappling with climate change. China is trying to do both at once. And in reverse of what happened in developed countries, Beijing is prioritizing energy first. China may soon have the odd distinction of being the world’s leader in alternative energy - and industrial pollution.

Christina Larson is a contributing editor at Foreign Policy magazine and a fellow at the New America Foundation.

Tuesday, September 1, 2009

The Death of a Lion 雄獅已死


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雄獅已死

在超過四份一個世紀前,在香港一個炎熱的晚上,替正在申請來美國的親戚,讀著由一位美國參議員寫來的一封信,說已查明移民局確實收到了有關申請,並排在適當類別的等候名單上,這封短短的英文信,給予準備在美國實現家庭團聚的人們,帶來了無限的希望,信後的簽名就是愛德華甘乃迪,一個中國人熟悉的名字。

來到美國後,又知道有一些保守派,反對移民的國會議員,準備提出取消現行的兄弟姊妹移民優先的法案,於是又發起一人一信,向他們申明家庭團聚的可貴,家庭價值是美國精神核心的基石,結果又是愛德華甘乃迪寫來回覆,表示會盡一切努力去保留原法。

這頭被喻為『議會雄獅』的資深參議員,一向為弱勢社群、少數族裔打拼,維護移民權益、訂立最低工資、爭取平等教育機會等,一旦離世,當然會令人感到十分惋惜。特別對麻州居民來說,作為代表麻州選民,出席美國參議院,其中最大的責任,就是從龐大的聯邦預算中,為麻州分得一杯羹,其實他在參議院當了47年議員,已為麻州帶來不少利益,亦曾有意角逐總統,但是,始終擺脫不了年少氣盛時犯下的過失,無法抹掉個人的弱點,及花花公子的形像,無功而退。

對公眾來說,其實他的死訊也並非突然。在2008年,愛德華甘乃迪已確診患有腦瘤,甚至抱恙在民主黨提名大會,把未來權力的捧子交予奧巴馬。更在總統就職典禮後的午餐會上休克,已是深居簡出,出海揚帆為樂,免強出席參議院全體會議,垂垂老態,舉步維艱,早應立下主意,退出政壇為上。可是其頑強的性格,為實現他的兩位兄長未酬的壯志,戰至人生最後的一口氣,贏得國人的景仰,可算是死而無憾矣。

愛德華甘乃迪個人雄據參議院麻州議席近半個世紀,他的辭逝立即出現了議席懸空的問題。起碼距離明年一月舉行的補選前,面對國會兩項重要提案,如醫療保健及氣候改變法案進行投票時,便失去了可以左右大局的一票。原本根據麻州的法律,麻州州長是有權委任人選,填補空缺,完成餘下的任期,但是為著防止過往屬共和黨的麻州州長朗尼,去委任一名共和黨人出任可能的議席空缺,已修改了有關法例,除非麻州議會一再修改法律,否則一定要進行補選,去選出代表麻州的參議員。

此外,令人更加擔憂的是,長久以來,甘氏家族所代表的開明自由主義理念,極有可能因後繼無人的緣故,會隨著一個時代的終結而消逝。雖然,愛德華甘乃迪的兒子仍在眾議院保有席位,其他家族成員英年早逝的有,受醜聞纏擾亦有,在政治上,這群執跨子弟已全無影響力,在從政技巧上,更不能與上一代家族中的政壇紅人相比。難怪乎,在愛德華甘乃迪的生命走到燈油沽竭之際,出人意表地把家族的政治本錢,傳授予奧巴馬,期望這位政壇新星,能延續甘家的宏願,結果這匹千里馬,毋負伯樂所托,登上了總統的寶座。

人們要緬懷的,不是甘氏曾一手擬訂了多少條法案,在參議院無數的慷慨陳詞,而是一個政治家,始終不渝地所抱持著的信念,超越黨派及州界的利益,以民眾的福祉為終極的考慮,對基礎價值的執著,對職份的熱忱,精神的奉獻,更重要的是對選民賦予權力的承擔,全心全力負托。

逝去的雄獅,已得到最後的歸宿,與他的兩位兄長,永埋在華盛頓國家公墓,而留給世人的有兩段金句﹕一個有良知的人,在見到了不平,要去糾正,見到了苦難,要去癒合,見到了戰爭,要去制止。對那些需要關心的人,把他們銘記於心,需要作工的事情,繼續幹下去,對奮鬥的事業,決不休止,希望將會永生,夢想永不磨滅!從政者的木鐸,實令當今的一些領導人汗顏。