An Ice Cold Coca-Cola, Please! 可樂，要冰凍的！

Shanghai Starbucks 上海星巴克

望長城內外 Atop The Great Wall

望長城內外

在11月中，北京一場瑞雪，迎來了美國第一位黑人總統的到訪。回想起，在上世紀60、70年代，毛澤東世界三分的戰略提法，把中國歸進第三世界，領導著亞、非、拉人民的革命造反行動，拖著西歐第二世界的經濟後腿，打擊以美蘇為首的第一世界霸權。

倘若毛澤東還在世，奧巴馬的黑人膚色，當然會令中國人產生一定的迷惑，可是，他確實是華爾街資本家的總代表，或說，蘇聯已在20年前解體，美帝資本主義已經走到窮途末路，在伊拉克及阿富汗被打得焦頭爛額，有社會主義特色的資本主義中國，正在崛起，如日方中，究竟美國是中國的合作夥伴，還是以競爭的對手看待，在當今中南海的領導人心目中，還是舉棋不定、遲疑不決的。

在結束訪華前，奧巴馬身穿便裝，登上長城烽火台，瞭望長城內外的雪後景觀，但並未有被眼前逼人的寒氣所阻擋，心中當然不會是想把星條旗，插在八達嶺上，仍然是想著踏足中國國境後，在上海科技博物館與中國年青一代的鎮堂式對話。奧巴馬是寄望中國的下一代，明確地忠告這群年青人，當中不乏共產主義青年團的先進代表，他是帶著人類普世核心價值來到中國，而且這些價值正是美國民主的基石。

這個鎮堂式會議，象徵著一個來自芝加哥草根社區的非洲移民後代，憑藉著個人的奮鬥與毅力，在一個普及而公平的民主選舉中，競選成功，一躍成為美國第44任總統，當上受全球觸目的世界領袖。倘若這群在『奶頭享樂主義』下成長的新一代，在礦區掙紮求生的民工，缺乏民主的土壤與平等機會，那會有真正由人民賦予的話語權。香港名嘴黃毓民說﹕奧巴馬是在向中國青年『散毒』，難怪乎中國官方媒體處處封殺奧巴馬的言論。

奧巴馬在訪華前，臨行時多次獲布熱津斯基面受機宜。記得在大選時，現年80高齡的布熱津斯基已是奧巴馬的外交顧問。布氏是前任卡達總統的國家安全顧問，曾在中美關係正常化進行過多次的滑旋，這位地緣政治戰略專家的重要著作就是《大棋局》，而奧巴馬給胡錦濤的禮物正是一副中國圍棋，可見奧巴馬已擺明車馬，有意選擇與中國對弈，視與中國領導人的首次會面，為G-2兩大國集團峰會。

奧巴馬一方面說不會圍堵中國的崛起，但是，西起自孟加拉灣，東至日本海，美國一共有12個軍事基地，駐有80萬大軍，對中國部署一個半月形的包圍圈，雖然，在伊拉克戰爭及增兵阿富汗響徹雲霄之際，依然沒有減少在東亞的軍事力量，而在這個地區的美國第7艦隊，仍然是具有龐大的核子反擊能力。直到2015年，中國會至少建成兩首航空母艦，美國在太平洋地區的軍事設置，已得到東亞各國領袖的認可，中國可以擁有數以百億計的美國債券，但是在該地區的軍事力量對比，在未來的三、五年內，仍然是不能與美國匹敵。

在美國手上的政治及經濟籌碼是不愁的。一提到要與達賴喇嘛見面，中國的領袖人便感到慌張了。在台灣問題上，奧巴馬會大談信守中美關係3個聯合公報，但是仍然不會放棄對台灣售賣先進武器，不管中國怎樣反對，台灣關係法仍然是美國要履行對台灣在道義上責任的依據。在四川汶川大地震當中，活埋80小時的青年，被拯救出來時，要求給他冰凍的可樂。30年來，這種深入民心的美國生活方式，已是根深蒂錮了。星巴克已在上海中國共產黨第一次全國代表大會會址旁開設。美國在華投資總值是480億美元。

中國的崛起，意味著美國會向中國施壓，逼令中國要在全球氣候改變中，多盡責任，控制溫室效應，減少二氧化炭排放。在防止核子擴散問題上，要中國出面，要求北韓重返6方談判，要伊朗接受國際核能監管。在1936年，毛澤東寫下了著名的詩句﹕江山如此多嬌， 引無數英雄竟折腰。數風流人物， 還看今朝。72年後，在2008年12月，奧巴馬登上了時代雜誌封面，成為風雲人物。如果歷史要這樣寫下去的話，在2009年，再一次鎖定奧巴馬為時代風雲人物，是一點都未為過份。

上海鎮堂會議 Shanghai Townhall Meeting

奥巴马上海演讲中文全文：

你好。诸位下午好。我感到很荣幸能够有机会到上海跟你们交谈，我要感谢复旦大学的杨校长，感谢他的款待和热情的欢迎。我还想感谢我们出色的大使洪博培，他是我们两国间深厚的纽带。我不知道他刚才说什么，但是希望他说得很好。

我今天准备这样，先做一个开场白，我真正希望做的是回答在座的问题，不但回答在座的学生问题，同时还可以从网上得到一些问题，由在座的一些学生和洪博培大使代为提问。很抱歉，我的中文远不如你们的英文，所以我期待和你们的对话。这是我首次访问中国，我看到你们博大的国家，感到很兴奋。在上海这里，我们看到了瞩目的增长，高耸的塔楼，繁忙的街道，还有企业家的精神。这些都是中国步入21世纪的迹象，让我感到赞叹。同时我也急切的要看到向我们展现中国古老的古迹，明天和后天我要到北京去看雄伟壮丽的故宫和令人叹为观止的长城，这个国度既有丰富的历史，又有对未来憧憬的信念。

而我们两国的关系也是如此，上海在美中关系的历史中是个具有意义的重大城市，在30年前，《上海公报》打开了我们两国政府和两国人民接触交往的新的篇章。

不过美国与这个国家的纽带可以追溯更久远的过去，追溯到美国独立的初期，乔治·华盛顿组织了皇后号的下水仪式，这个船成功前往大清王朝，华盛顿希望看到这艘船前往各地，与中国结成新的纽带。希望中国开辟新的地平线，建立新的伙伴关系。在其后的两个世纪中，历史洪流使我们两国关系向许多不同的方向发展，而即使在最动荡的方向中，我们的两国人民打造深的，甚至有戏剧性的纽带，比如美国人永远不会忘记，在二战期间，美国飞行员在中国上空被击落后，当地人民对他们的款待，中国公民冒着失去一切的危险罩着他们。

而参加二战的老兵仍然欢迎故地重游的美国老兵，他们在那里参战。40年前，我们两国间开启了又一种联系，两国关系开始解冻，通过乒乓球的比赛解冻关系。我们两国之间有着分歧，但是我们也有着共同的人性及有着共同的好奇，就像一位乒乓球人员一样，那的国家就是一样，但是这个小小的开头带来了《上海公报》的问世，最终还带来了美中在1979年建交。在其后的30年我们又取得了长足的进展，1979年美中贸易只有50亿美元，现在已经超过了4000亿美元。

贸易在许多方面影响人民的生活，比如美国电脑中许多部件，还有穿的衣服都是从中国进口的，我们向中国出口中国工业要使用的机器，这种贸易可以在太平洋两岸创造更多的就业机会，让我们的人民过上质量更高的生活。

在需求趋于平衡的过程中，这种贸易可以是更广阔的贸易。如今我们有着积极合作和全面的关系，为我们在当前重大的全球问题上建立伙伴关系打开了大门，这些问题包括经济复苏、洁净能源的开发、制止核武器扩散以及应对气候变化。还有在亚洲及全球各地促进和平和稳定，所有这些问题我明天与胡主席会谈时都会谈到。1979年的时候，我们两国人民的联系十分有限，如今当年乒乓球运动员的好奇可以在许多领域建立的联系中都可以看到，在美国数量最多的留学生都来自中国。而在美国的学生中，学中文的人数增加了50%。我们两国有近200个友好城市，美中科学家在许多新的研究领域和发现领域进行合作，而我们两国人民都热爱篮球，姚明就是个例子。不过，此行中我不能观看上海鲨鱼队的比赛，有点遗憾。

那么我们两国之间的这种关系给我们带来了积极的变化，这并不是偶然的，中国使得亿万人民脱贫，而这种成就是人类历史上史无前例的。而中国在全球问题中也发挥更大的作用，美国也目睹了我们经济的成长。中国有句古言，温故而知新。当然，我们过去30年中也遇到了挫折和挑战，我们的关系并不是没有困难的，没有分歧的。但是我们必须一定是对手这种想法不应该是一成不变的。由于我们两国的合作，美中两国都变得更加繁荣、更加安全。我们基于相互的利益、相互的尊重就能有成就。

不过，这种接触的成功要取决于我们要彼此了解，要能够进行开诚布公的对话，彼此进行了解。就像当年美国乒乓球运动员所说的，我们作为人有着共同的向往，但是我们两国又不同。我认为我们两国每个国家都应该勾画出自己要走的路，中国是一个文明古国，它有着博大精深的文化。相对而言，美国是一个年轻的国家，它的文化受到来自许多不同国家移民的影响，而指导我们民主制度文件的影响，我有一个非常简单的向往，代表了一些核心的原则，就是所有的人生来平等，都有着基本的权利，而政府应当反映人们的意志，贸易应该是开放的，信息流通应当是自由的，而法律要保证这个公平。

当然，我们的国家历史也不是没有过困难的地方，从很多方面来讲，很多年以来，我们是通过斗争来促进这些原则或者是所有的人民能够享受到，为了缔造一个更完美的联合，我们也打过一个很痛苦的内战，把一部分我们被奴役的人口释放出来，经过一段时间才能使妇女有投票权，劳工有组织权，包括来自各地的移民能够全部不接受。即使他们被解放以后，非洲与美国人也和美国人经过一些分开的、不平等的条件，经过一段时间才争取到全面的平等权利，所有这些是不容易的。但是我们对这些核心原则的信念我们取得的进展，在最黑暗的风暴当中是作为我们的指南针。

这是为什么林肯在内战期间站起来说过，任何一个国家以自由、以所有人类平等的原则能够长久的存在，也就是为什么金博士在林肯纪念馆的前台站起来，说我们国家要必须真正的实现我们的信念。也就是为什么来自中国或者肯尼亚的移民能够到我们的家，也是为什么一个不到50年前以前在某些地方连投票都遇到困难的人，现在就能够做到那个国家的总统。

这就是为什么美国永远为了全世界各地的核心原则说话，我们不寻求把任何政治体制强制给任何国家，但是我们也不认为我们所支持的这些原则是我们国家所独有的，这些表达自由、宗教崇拜自由、接触信息的机会、政治的参与，我们认为这些是普世的权利，应该是所有人民能够享受到，包括少数民族和宗教的族群，不管是在中国、美国和任何国家，对于普遍权利的尊敬，作为美国对其他国家的开放态度的指导原则，我们对其他文化的尊重，我们对国际法的承诺和对未来的信念的原则。

所有这些都是你们知道关于美国的一些情况，我们有很多要从中国学习。我们看看这个伟大城市的各地，也看看这个房间，我就相信我们两国有很重要的共同点，也就是对未来的信念，不管是美国还是中国，对现在的成就不能感到自满。虽然中国是一个古老的国家，你们也是充满信心展望未来，致力于下一代能够比这一代做的更好，除了你们不断增长的经济之外，我们很配合中国在科学和研究方面所投入的力量，包括建设的基础设施和使用的技术，中国是世界上使用互联网技术最多的国家，这就是我们很高兴互联网是今天活动的一部分，这个国家也拥有最大的机动电话网络，对新的投资保持继续增长，和应对气候变化方面有新的投资，我也希望两国加强这方面的合作。

但是更重要是看到年轻人你们的才能、你们的献身精神、你们的梦想在21世纪实现方面会发挥很大的作用。我说过很多次，我认为世界是互相连接的，我们所做的工作，我们所建立的繁荣，我们所保护的环境，我们所追求的安全，所有这些都是共同的，而且是互相连接的，所以21世纪的实力不在零和游戏，一个国家成功不应该以另外一个国家的牺牲作为代价。这就是我们为什么不寻求遏制中国的崛起。相反，我们欢迎中国作为一个国际社会的强的、繁荣的、成功的成员。

再回到刚才的谚语，我们应该考虑过去。在大的国家合作的时候，就比互相碰撞会取得更多得好处，这就是人类在历史上不断吸取的教训。我认为我们合作应该是超越政府间的合作，应该是以人民为基础，我们所研究的内容，我们所从事的生意，我们送获得的知识，我们所进行的体育比赛，所有这些桥梁必须是年轻人共同合作建立起来，这就是我为什么非常高兴我们要大大的宣布我们到中国学习的留学生人数，要增加到10万人。这样交流就会表现出我们是愿意致力于加强两国人民的联系，而且我是绝对有信心。对美国来说，最好的大使、最好的使者就是年轻人，他们和你们一样，很有才能，充满活力，对未来的历史还是很乐观的，这是我们合作的下一步，惠及两国和全世界。

今天可以吸收的一个最重要的内容就是我们不断的向前推进。非常感谢。现在欢迎各位提问题。

顺便说一句，这在美国是非常常见的传统——举行这种市政会议，我现在要做的就是如果你有兴趣提问的话请举手，我会说请你提问。我会从在座的观众中问一个问题，然后再让这些学生代表以及洪大使从网上代为提问。我先找个男生再找一个女生，来回这么找，让大家知道我是公平的。

奥巴马上海演讲英文全文：

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good afternoon. It is a great honor for me to be here in Shanghai, and to have this opportunity to speak with all of you. I’d like to thank Fudan University’s President Yang for his hospitality and his gracious welcome. I’d also like to thank our outstanding Ambassador, Jon Huntsman, who exemplifies the deep ties and respect between our nations. I don’t know what he said, but I hope it was good. (Laughter.)

What I’d like to do is to make some opening comments, and then what I’m really looking forward to doing is taking questions, not only from students who are in the audience, but also we’ve received questions online, which will be asked by some of the students who are here in the audience, as well as by Ambassador Huntsman. And I am very sorry that my Chinese is not as good as your English, but I am looking forward to this chance to have a dialogue.

This is my first time traveling to China, and I’m excited to see this majestic country. Here, in Shanghai, we see the growth that has caught the attention of the world — the soaring skyscrapers, the bustling streets and entrepreneurial activity. And just as I’m impressed by these signs of China’s journey to the 21st century, I’m eager to see those ancient places that speak to us from China’s distant past. Tomorrow and the next day I hope to have a chance when I’m in Beijing to see the majesty of the Forbidden City and the wonder of the Great Wall. Truly, this is a nation that encompasses both a rich history and a belief in the promise of the future.

The same can be said of the relationship between our two countries. Shanghai, of course, is a city that has great meaning in the history of the relationship between the United States and China. It was here, 37 years ago, that the Shanghai Communique opened the door to a new chapter of engagement between our governments and among our people. However, America’s ties to this city — and to this country — stretch back further, to the earliest days of America’s independence.

In 1784, our founding father, George Washington, commissioned the Empress of China, a ship that set sail for these shores so that it could pursue trade with the Qing Dynasty. Washington wanted to see the ship carry the flag around the globe, and to forge new ties with nations like China. This is a common American impulse — the desire to reach for new horizons, and to forge new partnerships that are mutually beneficial.

Over the two centuries that have followed, the currents of history have steered the relationship between our countries in many directions. And even in the midst of tumultuous winds, our people had opportunities to forge deep and even dramatic ties. For instance, Americans will never forget the hospitality shown to our pilots who were shot down over your soil during World War II, and cared for by Chinese civilians who risked all that they had by doing so. And Chinese veterans of that war still warmly greet those American veterans who return to the sites where they fought to help liberate China from occupation.

A different kind of connection was made nearly 40 years ago when the frost between our countries began to thaw through the simple game of table tennis. The very unlikely nature of this engagement contributed to its success — because for all our differences, both our common humanity and our shared curiosity were revealed. As one American player described his visit to China — “[The]people are just like us…The country is very similar to America, but still very different.”

Of course this small opening was followed by the achievement of the Shanghai Communique, and the eventual establishment of formal relations between the United States and China in 1979. And in three decades, just look at how far we have come.

In 1979, trade between the United States and China stood at roughly $5 billion — today it tops over $400 billion each year. The commerce affects our people’s lives in so many ways. America imports from China many of the computer parts we use, the clothes we wear; and we export to China machinery that helps power your industry. This trade could create even more jobs on both sides of the Pacific, while allowing our people to enjoy a better quality of life. And as demand becomes more balanced, it can lead to even broader prosperity.

In 1979, the political cooperation between the United States and China was rooted largely in our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a positive, constructive and comprehensive relationship that opens the door to partnership on the key global issues of our time — economic recovery and the development of clean energy; stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and the scourge of climate change; the promotion of peace and security in Asia and around the globe. All of these issues will be on the agenda tomorrow when I meet with President Hu.

And in 1979, the connections among our people were limited. Today, we see the curiosity of those ping-pong players manifested in the ties that are being forged across many sectors. The second highest number of foreign students in the United States come from China, and we’ve seen a 50 percent increase in the study of Chinese among our own students. There are nearly 200 “friendship cities” drawing our communities together. American and Chinese scientists cooperate on new research and discovery. And of course, Yao Ming is just one signal of our shared love of basketball — I’m only sorry that I won’t be able to see a Shanghai Sharks game while I’m visiting.

It is no coincidence that the relationship between our countries has accompanied a period of positive change. China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty — an accomplishment unparalleled in human history — while playing a larger role in global events. And the United States has seen our economy grow along with the standard of living enjoyed by our people, while bringing the Cold War to a successful conclusion.

There is a Chinese proverb: “Consider the past, and you shall know the future.” Surely, we have known setbacks and challenges over the last 30 years. Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty. But the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined — not when we consider the past. Indeed, because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and more secure. We have seen what is possible when we build upon our mutual interests, and engage on the basis of mutual respect.

And yet the success of that engagement depends upon understanding — on sustaining an open dialogue, and learning about one another and from one another. For just as that American table tennis player pointed out — we share much in common as human beings, but our countries are different in certain ways.

I believe that each country must chart its own course. China is an ancient nation, with a deeply rooted culture. The United States, by comparison, is a young nation, whose culture is determined by the many different immigrants who have come to our shores, and by the founding documents that guide our democracy.

Those documents put forward a simple vision of human affairs, and they enshrine several core principles — that all men and women are created equal, and possess certain fundamental rights; that government should reflect the will of the people and respond to their wishes; that commerce should be open, information freely accessible; and that laws, and not simply men, should guarantee the administration of justice.

Of course, the story of our nation is not without its difficult chapters. In many ways — over many years — we have struggled to advance the promise of these principles to all of our people, and to forge a more perfect union. We fought a very painful civil war, and freed a portion of our population from slavery. It took time for women to be extended the right to vote, workers to win the right to organize, and for immigrants from different corners of the globe to be fully embraced. Even after they were freed, African Americans persevered through conditions that were separate and not equal, before winning full and equal rights.

None of this was easy. But we made progress because of our belief in those core principles, which have served as our compass through the darkest of storms. That is why Lincoln could stand up in the midst of civil war and declare it a struggle to see whether any nation, conceived in liberty, and “dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal” could long endure. That is why Dr. Martin Luther King could stand on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and ask that our nation live out the true meaning of its creed. That’s why immigrants from China to Kenya could find a home on our shores; why opportunity is available to all who would work for it; and why someone like me, who less than 50 years ago would have had trouble voting in some parts of America, is now able to serve as its President.

And that is why America will always speak out for these core principles around the world. We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don’t believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation. These freedoms of expression and worship — of access to information and political participation — we believe are universal rights. They should be available to all people, including ethnic and religious minorities — whether they are in the United States, China, or any nation. Indeed, it is that respect for universal rights that guides America’s openness to other countries; our respect for different cultures; our commitment to international law; and our faith in the future.

These are all things that you should know about America. I also know that we have much to learn about China. Looking around at this magnificent city — and looking around this room — I do believe that our nations hold something important in common, and that is a belief in the future. Neither the United States nor China is content to rest on our achievements. For while China is an ancient nation, you are also clearly looking ahead with confidence, ambition, and a commitment to see that tomorrow’s generation can do better than today’s.

In addition to your growing economy, we admire China’s extraordinary commitment to science and research — a commitment borne out in everything from the infrastructure you build to the technology you use. China is now the world’s largest Internet user — which is why we were so pleased to include the Internet as a part of today’s event. This country now has the world’s largest mobile phone network, and it is investing in the new forms of energy that can both sustain growth and combat climate change — and I’m looking forward to deepening the partnership between the United States and China in this critical area tomorrow. But above all, I see China’s future in you — young people whose talent and dedication and dreams will do so much to help shape the 21st century.

I’ve said many times that I believe that our world is now fundamentally interconnected. The jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek — all of these things are shared. And given that interconnection, power in the 21st century is no longer a zero-sum game; one country’s success need not come at the expense of another. And that is why the United States insists we do not seek to contain China’s rise. On the contrary, we welcome China as a strong and prosperous and successful member of the community of nations — a China that draws on the rights, strengths, and creativity of individual Chinese like you.

To return to the proverb — consider the past. We know that more is to be gained when great powers cooperate than when they collide. That is a lesson that human beings have learned time and again, and that is the example of the history between our nations. And I believe strongly that cooperation must go beyond our government. It must be rooted in our people — in the studies we share, the business that we do, the knowledge that we gain, and even in the sports that we play. And these bridges must be built by young men and women just like you and your counterparts in America.

That’s why I’m pleased to announce that the United States will dramatically expand the number of our students who study in China to 100,000. And these exchanges mark a clear commitment to build ties among our people, as surely as you will help determine the destiny of the 21st century. And I’m absolutely confident that America has no better ambassadors to offer than our young people. For they, just like you, are filled with talent and energy and optimism about the history that is yet to be written.

So let this be the next step in the steady pursuit of cooperation that will serve our nations, and the world. And if there’s one thing that we can take from today’s dialogue, I hope that it is a commitment to continue this dialogue going forward.

So thank you very much. And I look forward now to taking some questions from all of you. Thank you very much. (Applause.)

So — I just want to make sure this works. This is a tradition, by the way, that is very common in the United States at these town hall meetings. And what we’re going to do is I will just — if you are interested in asking a question, you can raise your hands. I will call on you. And then I will alternate between a question from the audience and an Internet question from one of the students who prepared the questions, as well as I think Ambassador Huntsman may have a question that we were able to obtain from the Web site of our embassy.

So let me begin, though, by seeing — and then what I’ll do is I’ll call on a boy and then a girl and then — so we’ll go back and forth, so that you know it’s fair. All right? So I’ll start with this young lady right in the front. Why don’t we wait for this microphone so everyone can hear you. And what’s your name?

Q My name is (inaudible) and I am a student from Fudan University. Shanghai and Chicago have been sister cities since 1985, and these two cities have conduct a wide range of economic, political, and cultural exchanges. So what measures will you take to deepen this close relationship between cities of the United States and China? And Shanghai will hold the World Exposition next year. Will you bring your family to visit the Expo? Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, thank you very much for the question. I was just having lunch before I came here with the Mayor of Shanghai, and he told me that he has had an excellent relationship with the city of Chicago — my home town — that he’s visited there twice. And I think it’s wonderful to have these exchanges between cities.

One of the things that I discussed with the Mayor is how both cities can learn from each other on strategies around clean energy, because one of the issues that ties China and America together is how, with an expanding population and a concern for climate change, that we’re able to reduce our carbon footprint. And obviously in the United States and many developed countries, per capita, per individual, they are already using much more energy than each individual here in China. But as China grows and expands, it’s going to be using more energy as well. So both countries have a great interest in finding new strategies.

We talked about mass transit and the excellent rail lines that are being developed in Shanghai. I think we can learn in Chicago and the United States some of the fine work that’s being done on high-speed rail.

In the United States, I think we are learning how to develop buildings that use much less energy, that are much more energy-efficient. And I know that with Shanghai, as I traveled and I saw all the cranes and all the new buildings that are going up, it’s very important for us to start incorporating these new technologies so that each building is energy-efficient when it comes to lighting, when it comes to heating. And so it’s a terrific opportunity I think for us to learn from each other.

I know this is going to be a major focus of the Shanghai World Expo, is the issue of clean energy, as I learned from the Mayor. And so I would love to attend. I’m not sure yet what my schedule is going to be, but I’m very pleased that we’re going to have an excellent U.S. pavilion at the Expo, and I understand that we expect as many as 70 million visitors here. So it’s going to be very crowded and it’s going to be very exciting.

Chicago has had two world expos in its history, and both of those expos ended up being tremendous boosts for the city. So I’m sure the same thing will happen here in Shanghai.

Thank you. (Applause.)

Why don’t we get one of the questions from the Internet? And introduce yourself, in case –

Q First shall I say it in Chinese, and then the English, okay?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Yes.

Q I want to pose a question from the Internet. I want to thank you, Mr. President, for visiting China in your first year in office, and exchange views with us in China. I want to know what are you bringing to China, your visit to China this time, and what will you bring back to the United States? (Applause.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA: The main purpose of my trip is to deepen my understanding of China and its vision for the future. I have had several meetings now with President Hu. We participated together in the G20 that was dealing with the economic financial crisis. We have had consultations about a wide range of issues. But I think it’s very important for the United States to continually deepen its understanding of China, just as it’s important for China to continually deepen its understanding of the United States.

In terms of what I’d like to get out of this meeting, or this visit, in addition to having the wonderful opportunity to see the Forbidden City and the Great Wall, and to meet with all of you — these are all highlights — but in addition to that, the discussions that I intend to have with President Hu speak to the point that Ambassador Huntsman made earlier, which is there are very few global challenges that can be solved unless the United States and China agree.

So let me give you a specific example, and that is the issue we were just discussing of climate change. The United States and China are the world’s two largest emitters of greenhouse gases, of carbon that is causing the planet to warm. Now, the United States, as a highly developed country, as I said before, per capita, consumes much more energy and emits much more greenhouse gases for each individual than does China. On the other hand, China is growing at a much faster pace and it has a much larger population. So unless both of our countries are willing to take critical steps in dealing with this issue, we will not be able to resolve it.

There’s going to be a Copenhagen conference in December in which world leaders are trying to find a recipe so that we can all make commitments that are differentiated so each country would not have the same obligations — obviously China, which has much more poverty, should not have to do exactly the same thing as the United States — but all of us should have these certain obligations in terms of what our plan will be to reduce these greenhouse gases.

So that’s an example of what I hope to get out of this meeting — a meeting of the minds between myself and President Hu about how together the United States and China can show leadership. Because I will tell you, other countries around the world will be waiting for us. They will watch to see what we do. And if they say, ah, you know, the United States and China, they’re not serious about this, then they won’t be serious either. That is the burden of leadership that both of our countries now carry. And my hope is, is that the more discussion and dialogue that we have, the more we are able to show this leadership to the world on these many critical issues. Okay? (Applause.)

All right, it’s a — I think it must be a boy’s turn now. Right? So I’ll call on this young man right here.

Q (As translated.) Mr. President, good afternoon. I’m from Tongji University. I want to cite a saying from Confucius: “It is always good to have a friend coming from afar.” In Confucius books, there is a great saying which says that harmony is good, but also we uphold differences. China advocates a harmonious world. We know that the United States develops a culture that features diversity. I want to know, what will your government do to build a diversified world with different cultures? What would you do to respect the different cultures and histories of other countries? And what kinds of cooperation we can conduct in the future?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: This is an excellent point. The United States, one of our strengths is that we are a very diverse culture. We have people coming from all around the world. And so there’s no one definition of what an American looks like. In my own family, I have a father who was from Kenya; I have a mother who was from Kansas, in the Midwest of the United States; my sister is half-Indonesian; she’s married to a Chinese person from Canada. So when you see family gatherings in the Obama household, it looks like the United Nations. (Laughter.)

And that is a great strength of the United States, because it means that we learn from different cultures and different foods and different ideas, and that has made us a much more dynamic society.

Now, what is also true is that each country in this interconnected world has its own culture and its own history and its own traditions. And I think it’s very important for the United States not to assume that what is good for us is automatically good for somebody else. And we have to have some modesty about our attitudes towards other countries.

I have to say, though, as I said in my opening remarks, that we do believe that there are certain fundamental principles that are common to all people, regardless of culture. So, for example, in the United Nations we are very active in trying to make sure that children all around the world are treated with certain basic rights — that if children are being exploited, if there’s forced labor for children, that despite the fact that that may have taken place in the past in many different countries, including the United States, that all countries of the world now should have developed to the point where we are treating children better than we did in the past. That’s a universal value.

I believe, for example, the same thing holds true when it comes to the treatment of women. I had a very interesting discussion with the Mayor of Shanghai during lunch right before I came, and he informed me that in many professions now here in China, there are actually more women enrolled in college than there are men, and that they are doing very well. I think that is an excellent indicator of progress, because it turns out that if you look at development around the world, one of the best indicators of whether or not a country does well is how well it educates its girls and how it treats its women. And countries that are tapping into the talents and the energy of women and giving them educations typically do better economically than countries that don’t.

So, now, obviously difficult cultures may have different attitudes about the relationship between men and women, but I think it is the view of the United States that it is important for us to affirm the rights of women all around the world. And if we see certain societies in which women are oppressed, or they are not getting opportunities, or there is violence towards women, we will speak out.

Now, there may be some people who disagree with us, and we can have a dialogue about that. But we think it’s important, nevertheless, to be true to our ideals and our values. And we — and when we do so, though, we will always do so with the humility and understanding that we are not perfect and that we still have much progress to make. If you talk to women in America, they will tell you that there are still men who have a lot of old-fashioned ideas about the role of women in society. And so we don’t claim that we have solved all these problems, but we do think that it’s important for us to speak out on behalf of these universal ideals and these universal values.

Okay? All right. We’re going to take a question from the Internet.

Q Hello, Mr. President. It’s a great honor to be here and meet you in person.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.

Q I will be reading a question selected on the Internet to you, and this question is from somebody from Taiwan. In his question, he said: I come from Taiwan. Now I am doing business on the mainland. And due to improved cross-straits relations in recent years, my business in China is doing quite well. So when I heard the news that some people in America would like to propose — continue selling arms and weapons to Taiwan, I begin to get pretty worried. I worry that this may make our cross-straits relations suffer. So I would like to know if, Mr. President, are you supportive of improved cross-straits relations? And although this question is from a businessman, actually, it’s a question of keen concern to all of us young Chinese students, so we’d really like to know your position on this question. Thank you. (Applause.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. Well, I have been clear in the past that my administration fully supports a one-China policy, as reflected in the three joint communiqués that date back several decades, in terms of our relations with Taiwan as well as our relations with the People’s Republic of China. We don’t want to change that policy and that approach.

I am very pleased with the reduction of tensions and the improvement in cross-straits relations, and it is my deep desire and hope that we will continue to see great improvement between Taiwan and the rest of — and the People’s Republic in resolving many of these issues.

One of the things that I think that the United States, in terms of its foreign policy and its policy with respect to China, is always seeking is ways that through dialogue and negotiations, problems can be solved. We always think that’s the better course. And I think that economic ties and commercial ties that are taking place in this region are helping to lower a lot of the tensions that date back before you were born or even before I was born.

Now, there are some people who still look towards the past when it comes to these issues, as opposed to looking towards the future. I prefer to look towards the future. And as I said, I think the commercial ties that are taking place — there’s something about when people think that they can do business and make money that makes them think very clearly and not worry as much about ideology. And I think that that’s starting to happen in this region, and we are very supportive of that process. Okay?

Let’s see, it’s a girl’s turn now, right? Yes, right there. Yes. Hold on, let’s get — whoops, I’m sorry, they took the mic back here. I’ll call on you next.

Go ahead, and then I’ll go up here later. Go ahead.

Q Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: I’ll call on you later. But I’ll on her first and then I’ll call on you afterwards.

Go ahead.

Q Okay, thank you. Mr. President, I’m a student from Shanghai Jiao Tong University. I have a question concerning the Nobel Prize for Peace. In your opinion, what’s the main reason that you were honored the Nobel Prize for Peace? And will it give you more responsibility and pressure to — more pressure and the responsibility to promote world peace? And will it bring you — will it influence your ideas while dealing with the international affairs? Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. That was an excellent question. I have to say that nobody was more surprised than me about winning the Nobel Prize for Peace. Obviously it’s a great honor. I don’t believe necessarily that it’s an honor I deserve, given the extraordinary history of people who have won the prize. All I can do is to, with great humility, accept the fact that I think the committee was inspired by the American people and the possibilities of changing not only America but also America’s approach to the world. And so in some ways I think they gave me the prize but I was more just a symbol of the shift in our approach to world affairs that we are trying to promote.

In terms of the burden that I feel, I am extraordinarily honored to be put in the position of President. And as my wife always reminds me when I complain that I’m working too hard, she says, you volunteered for this job. (Laughter.) And so you — there’s a saying — I don’t know if there’s a similar saying in China — we have a saying: “You made your bed, now you have to sleep in it.” And it basically means you have to be careful what you ask for because you might get it.

I think that all of us have obligations for trying to promote peace in the world. It’s not always easy to do. There are still a lot of conflicts in the world that are — date back for centuries. If you look at the Middle East, there are wars and conflict that are rooted in arguments going back a thousand years. In many parts of the world — let’s say, in the continent of Africa — there are ethnic and tribal conflicts that are very hard to resolve.

And obviously, right now, as President of the United States, part of my job is to serve as Commander-in-Chief, and my first priority is to protect the American people. And because of the attacks on 9/11 and the terrorism that has been taking place around the world where innocent people are being killed, it is my obligation to make sure that we root out these terrorist organizations, and that we cooperate with other countries in terms of dealing with this kind of violence.

Nevertheless, although I don’t think that we can ever completely eliminate violence between nations or between peoples, I think that we can definitely reduce the violence between peoples — through dialogue, through the exchange of ideas, through greater understanding between peoples and between cultures.

And particularly now when just one individual can detonate a bomb that causes so much destruction, it is more important than ever that we pursue these strategies for peace. Technology is a powerful instrument for good, but it has also given the possibility for just a few people to cause enormous damage. And that’s why I’m hopeful that in my meetings with President Hu and on an ongoing basis, both the United States and China can work together to try to reduce conflicts that are taking place.

We have to do so, though, also keeping in mind that when we use our military, because we’re such big and strong countries, that we have to be self-reflective about what we do; that we have to examine our own motives and our own interests to make sure that we are not simply using our military forces because nobody can stop us. That’s a burden that great countries, great powers, have, is to act responsibly in the community of nations. And my hope is, is that the United States and China together can help to create an international norms that reduce conflict around the world. (Applause.)

Okay. All right? Jon — I’m going to call on my Ambassador because I think he has a question that was generated through the Web site of our embassy. This was selected, though, by I think one of the members of our U.S. press corps so that –

AMBASSADOR HUNTSMAN: That’s right. And not surprisingly, “in a country with 350 million Internet users and 60 million bloggers, do you know of the firewall?” And second, “should we be able to use Twitter freely” — is the question.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, let me say that I have never used Twitter. I noticed that young people — they’re very busy with all these electronics. My thumbs are too clumsy to type in things on the phone. But I am a big believer in technology and I’m a big believer in openness when it comes to the flow of information. I think that the more freely information flows, the stronger the society becomes, because then citizens of countries around the world can hold their own governments accountable. They can begin to think for themselves. That generates new ideas. It encourages creativity.

And so I’ve always been a strong supporter of open Internet use. I’m a big supporter of non-censorship. This is part of the tradition of the United States that I discussed before, and I recognize that different countries have different traditions. I can tell you that in the United States, the fact that we have free Internet — or unrestricted Internet access is a source of strength, and I think should be encouraged.

Now, I should tell you, I should be honest, as President of the United States, there are times where I wish information didn’t flow so freely because then I wouldn’t have to listen to people criticizing me all the time. I think people naturally are — when they’re in positions of power sometimes thinks, oh, how could that person say that about me, or that’s irresponsible, or — but the truth is that because in the United States information is free, and I have a lot of critics in the United States who can say all kinds of things about me, I actually think that that makes our democracy stronger and it makes me a better leader because it forces me to hear opinions that I don’t want to hear. It forces me to examine what I’m doing on a day-to-day basis to see, am I really doing the very best that I could be doing for the people of the United States.

And I think the Internet has become an even more powerful tool for that kind of citizen participation. In fact, one of the reasons that I won the presidency was because we were able to mobilize young people like yourself to get involved through the Internet. Initially, nobody thought we could win because we didn’t have necessarily the most wealthy supporters; we didn’t have the most powerful political brokers. But through the Internet, people became excited about our campaign and they started to organize and meet and set up campaign activities and events and rallies. And it really ended up creating the kind of bottom-up movement that allowed us to do very well.

Now, that’s not just true in — for government and politics. It’s also true for business. You think about a company like Google that only 20 years ago was — less than 20 years ago was the idea of a couple of people not much older than you. It was a science project. And suddenly because of the Internet, they were able to create an industry that has revolutionized commerce all around the world. So if it had not been for the freedom and the openness that the Internet allows, Google wouldn’t exist.

So I’m a big supporter of not restricting Internet use, Internet access, other information technologies like Twitter. The more open we are, the more we can communicate. And it also helps to draw the world together.

Think about — when I think about my daughters, Malia and Sasha — one is 11, one is 8 — from their room, they can get on the Internet and they can travel to Shanghai. They can go anyplace in the world and they can learn about anything they want to learn about. And that’s just an enormous power that they have. And that helps, I think, promote the kind of understanding that we talked about.

Now, as I said before, there’s always a downside to technology. It also means that terrorists are able to organize on the Internet in ways that they might not have been able to do before. Extremists can mobilize. And so there’s some price that you pay for openness, there’s no denying that. But I think that the good outweighs the bad so much that it’s better to maintain that openness. And that’s part of why I’m so glad that the Internet was part of this forum. Okay?

I’m going to take two more questions. And the next one is from a gentleman, I think. Right here, yes. Here’s the microphone.

Q First, I would like to say that it is a great honor for me to stand here to ask you the questions. I think I am so lucky and just appreciate that your speech is so clear that I really do not need such kind of headset. (Laughter.)

And here comes my question. My name is (inaudible) from Fudan University School of Management. And I would like to ask you the question — is that now that someone has asked you something about the Nobel Peace Prize, but I will not ask you in the same aspect. I want to ask you in the other aspect that since it is very hard for you to get such kind of an honorable prize, and I wonder and we all wonder that — how you struggled to get it. And what’s your university/college education that brings you to get such kind of prizes? We are very curious about it and we would like to invite you to share with us your campus education experiences so as to go on the road of success.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, let me tell you that I don’t know if there’s a curriculum or course of study that leads you to win the Nobel Peace Prize. (Laughter.) So I can’t guarantee that. But I think the recipe for success is the one that you are already following. Obviously all of you are working very hard, you’re studying very hard. You’re curious. You’re willing to think about new ideas and think for yourself. You know, the people who I meet now that I find most inspiring who are successful I think are people who are not only willing to work very hard but are constantly trying to improve themselves and to think in new ways, and not just accept the conventional wisdom.

Obviously there are many different paths to success, and some of you are going to be going into government service; some of you might want to be teachers or professors; some of you might want to be businesspeople. But I think that whatever field you go into, if you’re constantly trying to improve and never satisfied with not having done your best, and constantly asking new questions — “Are there things that I could be doing differently? Are there new approaches to problems that nobody has thought of before, whether it’s in science or technology or in the arts? — those are usually the people who I think are able to rise about the rest.

The one last piece of advice, though, that I would have that has been useful for me is the people who I admire the most and are most successful, they’re not just thinking only about themselves but they’re also thinking about something larger than themselves. So they want to make a contribution to society. They want to make a contribution to their country, their nation, their city. They are interested in having an impact beyond their own immediate lives.

I think so many of us, we get caught up with wanting to make money for ourselves and have a nice car and have a nice house and — all those things are important, but the people who really make their mark on the world is because they have a bigger ambition. They say, how can I help feed hungry people? Or, how can I help to teach children who don’t have an education? Or, how can I bring about peaceful resolution of conflicts? Those are the people I think who end up making such a big difference in the world. And I’m sure that young people like you are going to be able to make that kind of difference as long as you keep working the way you’ve been working.

All right? All right, this is going to be the last question, unfortunately. We’ve run out of time so quickly. Our last Internet question, because I want to make sure that we got all three of our fine students here.

Q Mr. President, it’s a great honor for the last question. And I’m a college student from Fudan University, and today I’m also the representative of China’s Youth (inaudible.) And this question I think is from Beijing: Paid great attention to your Afghanistan policies, and he would like to know whether terrorism is still the greatest security concern for the United States? And how do you assess the military actions in Afghanistan, or whether it will turn into another Iraqi war? Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: I think that’s an excellent question. Well, first of all, I do continue to believe that the greatest threat to United States’ security are the terrorist networks like al Qaeda. And the reason is, is because even though they are small in number, what they have shown is, is that they have no conscience when it comes to the destruction of innocent civilians. And because of technology today, if an organization like that got a weapon of mass destruction on its hands — a nuclear or a chemical or a biological weapon — and they used it in a city, whether it’s in Shanghai or New York, just a few individuals could potentially kill tens of thousands of people, maybe hundreds of thousands. So it really does pose an extraordinary threat.

Now, the reason we originally went into Afghanistan was because al Qaeda was in Afghanistan, being hosted by the Taliban. They have now moved over the border of Afghanistan and they are in Pakistan now, but they continue to have networks with other extremist organizations in that region. And I do believe that it is important for us to stabilize Afghanistan so that the people of Afghanistan can protect themselves, but they can also be a partner in reducing the power of these extremist networks.

Now, obviously it is a very difficult thing — one of the hardest things about my job is ordering young men and women into the battlefield. I often have to meet with the mothers and fathers of the fallen, those who do not come home. And it is a great weight on me. It gives me a heavy heart.

Fortunately, our Armed Services is — the young men and women who participate, they believe so strongly in their service to their country that they are willing to go. And I think that it is possible — working in a broader coalition with our allies in NATO and others that are contributing like Australia — to help train the Afghans so that they have a functioning government, that they have their own security forces, and then slowly we can begin to pull our troops out because there’s no longer that vacuum that existed after the Taliban left.

But it’s a difficult task. It’s not easy. And ultimately I think in trying to defeat these terrorist extremists, it’s important to understand it’s not just a military exercise. We also have to think about what motivates young people to become terrorists, why would they become suicide bombers. And although there are obviously a lot of different reasons, including I think the perversion of religion, in thinking that somehow these kinds of violent acts are appropriate, part of what’s happened in places like Pakistan and Afghanistan is these young people have no education, they have no opportunities, and so they see no way for them to move forward in life, and that leads them into thinking that this is their only option.

And so part of what we want to do in Afghanistan is to find ways that we can train teachers and create schools and improve agriculture so that people have a greater sense of hope. That won’t change the ideas of a Osama bin Laden who are very ideologically fixed on trying to strike at the West, but it will change the pool of young people who they can recruit from. And that is at least as important, if not more important over time, as whatever military actions that we can take. Okay?

All right, I have had a wonderful time. I am so grateful to all of you. First of all, let me say I’m very impressed with all of your English. Clearly you’ve been studying very hard. And having a chance to meet with all of you I think has given me great hope for the future of U.S.-China relations.

I hope that many of you have the opportunity to come and travel and visit the United States. You will be welcome. I think you will find that the American people feel very warmly towards the people of China. And I am very confident that, with young people like yourselves and the young people that I know in the United States, that our two great countries will continue to prosper and help to bring about a more peaceful and secure world.

So thank you very much everybody. Thank you. (Applause.)

END

Obama's Chess Game 奧巴馬在搏弈

奧巴馬在搏弈

在1972年，當日本首相田中角榮訪華時，曾獲毛澤東在中南海書齋接見。在談話結束前，毛澤東用手，指著書架上六卷楊州廣陵書社木刻線裝版《楚辭集注》，說要送給田中角榮作為禮物。周恩來總理走前两步，將書從橱上取下，遞給田中。事後香港的政治觀察家均摸不著頭，不知道這有何特別意義。查楚辭乃屈原所撰，以老毛的看法，既然在談判桌上無法要日本人認罪，只有諷刺日本「屈」服於「原」子彈，甘願作美國的「哈巴狗」。

在37年後，美國總統奧巴馬在遊罷故宮、登過長城八達嶺之後，也送了一件禮物，給當今的中國主人家胡錦濤。這是一副來自奧巴馬家鄉夏威夷制造的日式圍棋。這個象徵意義實在太明顯了。中國新聞評論員說是代表中美『平等搏弈』，看來這只是一廂情願的想法吧。奧巴馬是在結束訪問日本、參加亞太首長峰會後，高舉人類普世核心價值，到中國叩關。雖然，美國人不懂圍棋，但是日、韓是不乏圍棋高手，論戰略與步著，當然與中國的圍棋國手是不相上下的。

自從朝鮮戰爭結束後，美國圍堵中國的半月形的包圍圈，始終沒有放鬆過。在越戰失敗後，美國仍然有接近3萬軍隊派駐南韓，在日本則保持有3萬3千駐軍，而遠東太平洋第七艦隊經常在關鍵時刻，穿過台灣海峽。日本海上自衛隊已有足夠的力量，抵消來自北韓的威脅。既然，亞太地區國家已感覺到來自中國海軍擴張，及外向型經濟所帶來的潛在危險與威嚇，當然會抓著美國這根救命草不放。

20年前，柏林圍牆被推倒，這意味著在歐洲的冷戰思維的終結，可是在亞洲，表面上是合作，而暗底下的敵對意識，依然未減，這從在奧巴馬遠東之行前，南北韓在海上互相開火事件，便可見一斑。奧巴馬在上海與中國共青團的鎮堂式對話時說，美國不擔心中國的崛起，而把此看成是機遇，但是，東南亞諸國，肯定不會有這樣的看法。結果這盤圍棋，仍然是中美之間的對弈。

中國淚盈總理溫家寶在見奧巴馬時說，這不是G2峰會，顯然是有先見之明。加上在奧巴馬身邊是一條政壇老狐狸希拉利，中國在接班人的問題上，處於新舊交替，團派與太子黨之間的爭鬥，仍抖纏不清，在一個沒有周恩來的外交格局中，再搬1955年萬隆會議的和平共處5項原則，企圖阻擋奧巴馬公開要求中國與達賴喇嘛重新對話，更加是軟弱無力。心知奧巴馬在訪華前不見達賴，這只不過是“緩兵之策”，在訪問中國後，當然會另找機會，見見同樣是諾貝爾和平獎的得主達賴，到時胡溫又怎樣招駕呢。

美國逼令中國向北韓施壓，重返6國限核談判。在經濟制裁伊朗的問題上，要求中國不在聯合國安全理事會上，動用否決權。為著投桃報李，會主張在下月初舉行的哥本哈根氣候會議上，仍以『發展中國家』看待中國，讓中國跟隨一個沒有太苛刻的排放標準。較早時，美國反對中國傾銷汽車輪胎，提高輪胎進口稅55%，令中國大為震驚，於是便在奧巴馬面前不甘示弱，說明要反對貿易保護主義。倘若歐美甚至東南亞各國一起聯手，提出種種限制，禁止中國某類產品輸入，中國雖然財大氣粗，在實際上是絕無還擊之力的。

在圍棋搏弈中，黑白兩方的棋子是相當的，在沒有公正在旁看管下，棋賽是根據慣例進行。往往勝負之分只是棋差一著而已。所謂一子錯，滿盤皆落索的道理是簡單，關鍵在於知己知彼，百戰百勝。中國領導層惡性爭權奪利的底牌，早已被人看穿，由人民選出來的奧巴馬，已在任一年，是龍是虎，仍是任人推測。中國國務院外交系統弄來弄去，就是出一個十百份之一像的周恩來，十份之一像喬冠華的也沒有，在這形勢下，奧巴馬已下子佈出棋局了，中國仍是舉棋不定，高低已成定局了。

Songs My Mother Taught Me

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4ZMRk1MdNDM&feature=related

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6m9yqxGfP_s&feature=fvw

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fOm6MW-U170&feature=related

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TyV_zExfj10&feature=related

Czech text

Když mne stará matka zpívat, zpívat učívala,
podivno, že často, často slzívala.
A ted' také pláčem snědé líce mučím,
když cigánské děti hrát a zpívat učím!

German text by Adolf Heyduk

Als die alte Mutter mich noch lehrte singen,
tränen in den Wimpern gar so oft ihr hingen.
Jetzt, wo ich die Kleinen selber üb im Sange,
rieselt's in den Bart oft,
rieselt's oft von der braunen Wange.

English Translation

Songs my mother taught me,
In the days long vanished;
Seldom from her eyelids
Were the teardrops banished.

Now I teach my children,
Each melodious measure.
Oft the tears are flowing,
Oft they flow from my memory's treasure.

Yanni One Man's Dream

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ubTveCihjoQ&feature=related

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aO0Rg25tBgA

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZtS1kPRdz14

Here Comes Obama 奧巴馬來了

奧巴馬來了

為了參加在德州軍營槍擊事件的追悼會，奧巴馬延遲了一天訪問日本。一般觀察家認為，奧巴馬就算趕及出席在新加坡舉行的亞太經濟合作高峰會議，也來不及穿上有主辦國民族特式的制服拍標準照。但是，出乎意料之外，奧巴馬依時抵達晚宴會場，穿上有新加坡國家民族特式的服裝。不似得中國的領導人胡錦濤選擇了紅色，奧巴馬選擇了銀灰色，與在旁一起站著拍照的新加坡總理李顯龍，兩人同樣是日理萬機，早生華髮，更形穩重。中國的政治化裝師，有意讓現年67歲的胡錦濤顯得年青，把滿頭濃密的頭髮染得烏黑，但是卻忘記提醒胡主席，千萬不可在這種新加坡獨特的服飾之下，穿上白色恤衫，這令平時不善於出席外交場合的胡錦濤，更表現得局促不安。

明顯地，李顯龍有意更改亞太經合峰會的安排，遷就奧巴馬匆匆的行程，這更加突顯美國在亞太地區的政治地位，以及過往所扮演的角色，並未有因由美國引發的全球金融危機而削弱，反而十分重視由美國帶頭走出經濟衰退的谷底，比起中國維持零點8的經濟增長，對全球經濟及政治穩定來得更為重要。奧巴馬一反布殊的反恐的敵我分明的思維，而強調地區經濟合作的義意，積極主張重新參予亞太地區的事務與經濟活動。對東南亞諸國來說，美國的重新投入，無疑是對日益澎漲的中國經濟，甚至海軍力量的擴張，帶來了平衡，並減少對俄國人的心理恐懼，產生了更大的安全感。

在二次世界大戰時期，英國首相張伯倫凡出席外交場合，老是帶著雨傘，對納粹德國採取綏靖政策，故此，攜帶雨傘就是外交軟弱的表現。在亞太會議過後，奧巴馬立即轉程直飛上海。在滂沱大雨中抵達浦東國際機場，並打破了一貫以來的外交禁忌，撐起大雨傘，獨自步下空軍一號總統專機。更沒有像1972年，訪問北京的尼赫松總統一樣，先站在機門外拍掌後才下機。這表示年青的奧巴馬總統，走出傳統的外交格局的框框，與擁有龐大數量美國債券的大債主交手，仍然不卑不亢，視中國的崛起為機遇，面對金融危機的挑戰，猶如閑亭信步，無所畏懼。

奧巴馬在上海科技博物館與青年對話的鎮堂會議，美國方面堅持要中方全國直接轉播現場實況，正如所料這是被拒絕，但只同意錄影後播出。在演講中，奧巴馬必然是在大談普世核心價值與權利，包括表達及信仰自由、資訊流通及政治參予。而準備發問的大學生，也預先經過排練。最令中方頭痛的是，奧巴馬還指令共和黨明日之星，美國駐北京大使洪博培，在互聯網上收集問題作回答。美國駐華新聞工作者給奧巴馬，選擇了一條極令北京為難的問題，這是關於『隔火牆』和『小鳥吱吱』（Twitter）網絡資訊自由流通的問題。中國現時有3億網民及6000萬博客，很多美國網站及伺服器是在查禁之列。大部份中國網民期望，至少在奧巴馬訪華前後期間，會好像在奧運一樣，能網開一面，但是，結果當然是落空了。

較早時，美國曾擔心中國國庫雖然有滿溢之餘，在購買美國國家債券時，會提出苛克的條件，現在發現，已經用不同手法與多種途徑富起來的中國人，夾著巨資，到香港購買美國債券，這當然令奧巴馬政府鬆了一口大氣，討價還價的聲音大了。在要求中國在國際問題上承擔更多責任的同時，更逼使北韓在限核問題上，重返6方會議，在與非洲獨裁政權及緬甸軍政府的貿易中，取得豐厚的利潤時，多在人權方面，堅守國際道義與普世核心價值，不能用『不干予別國內政』作為藉口，讓國際『爛仔』為所欲為，繼續作惡，擾亂國際秩序。

37年前，面對著來自蘇聯的威脅，憑乒乓外交，打開了中美關係的大門。現在由於氣候變化，北極熊已幾乎成為頻臨絕種的生物，環境染污及二氧化炭的排放問題，成為這兩大國所要討論的共同議題。在1854年，美國海軍將領、東印度艦隊司令培理 ( Matthew C. Perry ) ，藉著船堅炮利，率領7艘軍艦，要求日本開放。155年後，一位有非洲肯尼亞移民血統的總統奧巴馬，帶著人類道德價值到中國叩關，一向堅持實現人類大同社會的政黨，又會拿一個比之而更高層次的宇宙觀，去進行反擊呢，看胡錦濤既無毛澤東的深謀遠慮，又無周恩來的靈巧油滑的手段，在這樣的形勢下，高低便顯而易見了。

Dr Zsivágó - Lara's theme

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4Yd2PzoF1y8&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=anL19t1xOK0
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hP8Y7Dva9bI
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bPYoOzoj2Qs&feature=fvw
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vmeAdemX9Mg&feature=fvw
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AkzCG6H9TjA&feature=related

Lara, my love, there will be songs to sing,
although the snow covers the hopes of spring.

Somewhere a hill blossoms in green and gold,
there you find dreams, all that your heart can hold.

Lara, someday I'll be with you
Lara, whenever the spring breaks through.

Lara, my love, there will be songs to sing,
although the snow covers the hopes of Spring.

You'll turn to me out of the long-ago,
warm as the wind, soft as the kiss of snow.

Lara, someday I'll be with you
Lara, whenever the spring breaks through.

Lara, my love, think only now and then,
Godspeed, my love, till you are mine again

亞太制服照 APEC Leaders' Attire

The irish washerwoman

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Lpvvmdw6feE&feature=related

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G5H50j4DHXk&feature=related

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CewyTGQR9Pw

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dbKuBo56Hvk

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9-IOm0soIMA

The Second Waltz

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FlNkVGBCL8o&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w4fwMybFFao&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LX1fiE0U1qA&feature=fvw
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OEokX0mUywg&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bkJHBSAqVIo&feature=related

Berlin Wall 柏林牆 3

Berlin Wall 柏林牆 2

Berlin Wall 柏林牆 1

Toselli's Serenade Nightingale 夜莺

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l1EnLeLjP7g&feature=related

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=def_OBvO8dA&feature=related

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vn---QLcZiE&feature=related

今秋更好看 Foliage Gets Better-Looking Now

今秋更好看

雖然，最新的美國失業率已高達10.2的雙位數字，紐約股市投資者已看準了走出經濟衰退的勢頭，在上星期，道瓊斯工業平均指數止跌回升，重上一萬點這個心理關口。而爭持已久的全民醫保提案，終於在眾議院，以220票對215票獲得通過，比起所需的218票多出兩票。這令本星期的股市再度急升，直逼上1萬零300點。這些都是對民主黨和奧巴馬有利的。下一步就要看在參議院的共和黨小數，又在耍什麼花招了。

這次在眾議院的醫保投票中，民主黨有39名眾議員倒戈，投下反對票，共和黨也全體投反對票。而唯一例外的，是代表路易斯安娜州的越裔共和黨眾議員高英光，在奧巴馬親自遊說之下，投下重要的贊成票。當然，在奧巴馬上任以來，在國會中的任何投票，絕大多數的共和黨人，沒有一次不是集體投下反對票的，然而，每次都會有數條漏網之魚，但已是習以為常了。當然作為一個全民總統，奧巴馬會極力爭取兩黨的支持，但是，如投票結果往往是壁壘分明的話，也無話可說。

記得在本年11月3選舉中，在維珍尼亞州和新澤西州的州長選舉，共和國與民主黨州長候選人競爭甚為激烈，這兩州的州長選舉，曾被傳媒喻為是對奧巴馬就任一年來的全民覆決，故此，奧巴馬也非常重視，曾親自多次為兩名民黨主候選人站台、拉票，結果都雙雙落敗，這只能反映出，奧巴馬在全國的魅力，仍然未能左右各州紅藍選民，在地方民生及政治議題上，不會只考慮候選人的政黨效應，而看好他們提出恢復經濟的良方與治理魄力。

如果一般美國國民，沒有多大精力和時間，去用心鑽研醫保計劃的內容，單是看看現時沒有獲得任何醫療保健的5千萬國民，作為一個超級大國，這是莫大的恥辱了。176名共和黨和39名民主黨眾議員，憑什麼理由去拒絕這些人，獲得起碼的醫療照顧呢，而這些眾議員本身，則享有全國最佳的醫療保險，公理何在。那些因有已知的健康狀況問題，而被保險公司拒絕接受投保的、不給予全面保健或不支付高昂的藥費的，讓他們自生自滅，這是一個以基督精神為主體的國家所樂於接受的現實嗎。共和黨眾議員高英光說，他代表人民的良知投贊成票，而那些集體投反對票的眾議員，他們的良知又往那裏跑掉呢。

為確使已在眾議院通過的醫保法案，在抵達參議院前就被幹掉，康州聯邦國會參議員利伯曼，聲言要用長時間發言的『拉布戰』，阻撓醫保法案在參議院進行投票，這是在美國議會政治中，少數黨議員慣用的手段來杯葛法案。在多次鎮堂公聽會中，曾抖集民眾，對奧巴馬進行最惡毒的評擊的，就是目前得益的保險集團。根據波士頓環球報的報導，自2000年起，這個面目模糊的民主黨獨立參議員利伯曼，曾在保險行業中，獲得不少於80萬的政治捐款，難怪乎在醫保提案中反應強烈，明顯地是在投桃報李，選民又怎會不清楚呢。今次在參眾兩院的醫保投票動向，對在明年舉行的國會中期選舉義意重大，有意角逐連任的議員，除了要討好大財團、爭取獻金外，選民的投票意慾與走勢，更不容忽視。

奧巴馬在眾議院險勝後，在本週五會初次踏足東亞，在訪問日本後便會到中國。在1972年，尼克遜總統訪華時，曾帶了主管國家預算的官員隨往，整天躲在北京釣魚台賓館，準備向國會提出預算案。想奧巴馬在北京香山欣賞紅葉之餘，仍不忘與白官幕僚謀求對策，化解共和黨人在參議院的搞作。以一個有著1千7百多萬選民認可的總統，面對著一個專制獨裁政權的領導人，肯定不會有太多的共同語言。在這個金秋時節，當然會感覺得到，風景還是美國這邊獨好。

夕陽之歌 Song of Sunset

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aaYYySp9l_8&feature=related

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b3dP-8Ti6x8

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZTm2ysfpmoQ

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EZUlYjT2m6c

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Cxt64f0QrvY&feature=related

斜 陽 無 限 無 奈 只 一 息 間 燦 爛
隨 雲 霞 漸 散 逝 去 的 光 彩 不 復 還
遲 遲 年 月 難 耐 這 一 生 的 變 幻
如 浮 雲 聚 散 纏 結 這 滄 桑 的 倦 顏
漫 長 路 驟 覺 光 陰 退 減
歡 欣 總 短 暫 未 再 返
那 個 看 透 我 夢 想 是 平 淡

曾 遇 上 幾 多 風 雨 翻
編 織 我 交 錯 夢 幻
曾 遇 你 真 心 的 臂 彎
伴 我 走 過 患 難
奔 波 中 心 灰 意 淡
路 上 紛 擾 波 折 再 一 彎
一 天 想 ( 想 ) 到 歸 去 但 已 晚

啊... 天 生 孤 單 的 我 心 暗 淡
路 上 風 霜 哭 笑 再 一 彎
一 天 想 想 到 歸 去 但 已 晚

Autumn Leaves 又到深秋 8

Autumn Leaves 又到深秋 7

Autumn Leaves 又到深秋 6

Autumn Leaves 又到深秋 5

Autumn Leaves 又到深秋 4

Autumn Leaves 又到深秋 3

Autumn Leaves 又到深秋 2

Autumn Leaves 又到深秋 1

The Prayer

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_zvKXaOVASs

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jhxIjRO6WjI

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hUkCLo9I7Cg&feature=related

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j3EoHz29guo

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YPiCVuSOzmI

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G1vRW2b-ONU&feature=related

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sCzMRFvzK7Q&feature=related

I pray you�ll be our eyes
And watch us where we go
And help us to be wise
In times when we don�t know

Let this be our prayer
As we go our way
Lead us to a place
Guide us with your grace
To a place where we�ll be safe
La luce che to dai

I pray we�ll find your light
Nel cuore restero
And hold it in our hearts
A ricordarchi che
When stars go out each night
L�eterna stella sei
Nella mia preghiera
Let this be our prayer
Quanta fede c�e
When shadows fill our day
Lead us to a place
Guide us with your grace

Give us faith so we�ll be safe.
Sognamo un mondo senza piu violenza

Un mondo di giustizia e di speranza
Ognuno dia la mano al suo vicino
Simbolo di pace e di fraternita

La forza che ci dai
We ask that life be kind
E�il desiderio che
And watch us from above
Ognuno trovi amore
We hope each soul will find
Intorno e dentro a se
Another soul to love

Let this be our prayer
Let this be our prayer
Just like every child
Just like every child

Needs to find a place,
Guide us with your grace
Give us faith so we�ll be safe
E la fede che
Hai acceso in noi
Sento che ci salvera

《祷告》

愿你作我双眼，看顾我们去向

赐给我们智慧，当我困惑迷茫

这是我的祷告，当我徘徊彷徨

引导我们去向，恩典赐我身旁

去到安全之地，赐给我们亮光

我愿能见真光，应许记我心上

持守心中不放，愿我永记不忘

即使星光隐藏，我仍祈祷盼望

你是明亮之星，如此我祷我想

阴云密布之时，多少信靠仰望

引导我们去向，恩典赐我身旁

去到安全之地，赐给我们亮光

世上再无强暴，满有公义盼望

握住邻舍之手，和平友爱传扬

赐给我们力量，生命充满善良

天上看顾我们，这是我的愿望

众人寻见真爱，无一灵魂失丧

关怀周遭世人，让爱注入心房

这是我的祷告，这是我的盼望

好像幼小孩童，需要找个地方

恩典赐我身旁，赐下平安信仰

信心照亮我心，得救属天盼望

哼小调的哈比人

快走踏清秋 Galloping Through The Golden Meadow

快走踏清秋

唐代詩人李賀，寫了23首關於馬的詩，稱之為《馬詩二十三首》，其中第5首是這樣寫﹕大漠沙如雪， 燕山月似鉤， 何當金絡腦， 快走踏清秋。 看來這首短短的5言絕詩，應該是不難理解的，就算對歷史典故不太認識，可到網上翻查，便一目了然了。

燕山在這裏是指燕然山，漢代竇憲曾率領大軍大破匈奴，在燕然山刻石記功而還。金絡腦是以黃金為飾的馬頭絡，象徵馬匹受到重用。而詩中的意景，所勾畫出的是一幅遼闊雄渾的大景觀，黃沙萬里，在銀色的月光下，像是鋪上了一層白皚皚的霜雪，燕然山上的一彎新月，如高懸的利刃，充滿戰意。雖然，詩人有意披上威武的鞍具馬甲，在秋天的戰場上馳騁，建立功業，惟光抱著這種報國情懷，盼望建功立業，卻自況懷才不遇，不獲賞識，而有屈結於心的苦悶。

或許有人會說，在美國的社會，根本就沒有所謂『懷才不遇』的道理，因為，這是一個人人機會均等的國度，而且有健全的制度與法律去作保障，不但如此，還有種種的規限如公信力強的政府、輿論的壓力、普遍誠懇的態度，令每一個人在『公平的競技場』上，各展所長，不許任憑長官的意志去作出決定，或沒有惡勢力設置的重重關卡。

不過話雖如此說，在這經濟低迷的時局，假如有朝一日，淪落到在失業局排隊，辦理領取失業金的手續，那種不受社會接受的心理，抱怨受人蹊落的失意感覺，又豈能向別人道呢！或在政治選舉中落敗，不獲選民大眾所接受，心情又會是惊惕不安的。

另有人也會說，就算是一頭優質的好馬，亦需要伯樂的慧眼，所謂『慧眼識英雄』。韓愈在《雜說四》有這樣的看法﹕世有伯樂，然後有千里馬。千里馬常有，而伯樂不常有。馬之千里者，一食或盡粟一石。飼馬者不知其能千里而食也。策之不以其道，食之不能盡其材，鳴之不能通其意，執策而臨之，曰：「天下無馬。」嗚呼！其真無馬耶？其真不知馬也。

如韓愈的相馬論所說，先有伯樂這位獨具慧眼練馬師，才能挑選出有潛質的馬，用最好的糧草飼養，喂飽後訓練成為千里馬。但是，千里馬始終服膺伯樂，是要替伯樂服務，打破不了主奴的關係。在一個自食其力、機會均等的社會，既然已是千里馬，更無須守株待兔，祈求伯樂的賞識 。千里馬無論是公認，還是自認，千里馬就是千里馬，應不受任何人操縱，任意奔馳。

若把這樣的一個關於馬的故事，放在波士頓，甚至美國的政壇上，當然會有一番喻意。在2005年，韓裔尹常賢參選成功，取得波士頓市議會不分選區議席，成為第一位亞裔民選市議員。在兩年後，再度獲選連任，成績驕人。在沒有完成第二屆任期，便出戰市長競選，雖然在初選中落敗，但是在4位候選人當中，排名第三，已經能說服選民，這確實是一頭一千里馬了。排在第二位的法理特，看到尹以一位政壇新秀，竟然能取得近4份之1的選票，是一個難得的夥伴，若然把兩人選票加起來，是足以對現任市長的連任選舉，構成威脅。於是法理特便力邀尹常賢合拍搭檔，成為正副市長候選人。此舉令大多數尹常賢的支持者覺得失望，認為尹應等4年後，再決一戰。

從大處著眼，在上屆總統選舉中，拜頓與希拉莉何嘗不是在初選失敗中，轉投奧巴馬的懷抱呢。大概拜頓與希拉莉都有時不與我的感覺，而尹常賢則剛剛40出頭，預料這次暫時投靠法理特，只是權宜之策。以尹的個人才幹，非凡出眾的儀表，必然會在4 年後的清秋時節，仍可以騎上鐵甲快馬，在草原大漠任意馳騁。