Separating Families 分離家庭

American History of Separating Families 美國分離家庭的歷史

Over recent weeks we have heard the news of the current federal administration separating children as young as 18 months from their parents when they attempt to cross the U.S.-Mexico border, frequently to flee violence in their own country and provide a safer and better life for their children.  For example, the Worcester Telegram & Gazette reported that the wife and children of Elmer Oliva fled Guatamala after three of their family members were killed in their home country.  His children were released from custody, but his wife has not.  Most families are not so lucky to have their kids be reunited with at least one of their parent.  Currently, there are over 2300 children who have been separated from their parents and held in custody sometimes hundreds of miles away from their parents.  Most parents do not know where their children are and how to find them if they are ever released.  Thankfully, the U.S. federal court ruled yesterday that the government must reunite families with children under 5 in 14 days and all families within 30 days.  After tremendous pressure, President Trump said they will no longer continue the practice of separating families.

在最近數週，我們聽到了有這樣的消息，當人們試圖穿過美國墨西哥邊境時，聯邦政府會把孩子從父母手中分開，就算他們只有18個月大。他們之所以逃離自己的國家，是為了避開經常的暴力，為他們的孩子提供更安全和更美好的生活。如伍斯特電報和公報報導，Elmer Oliva的妻子和孩子們逃離瓜地馬拉，是在他們的家鄉，有三名家人被殺後。他的孩子獲釋，但他的妻子則沒有。很不幸，大多數家庭的孩子，都不會與他們其中的一個親人團聚。目前，有2300多名兒童與父母分散，有時，是離父母被關押的地方幾百英里以外。大多數父母不知道他們的孩子是在哪裡，以及如果他們獲釋，也不知如何找到他們的孩子。幸好，美國聯邦法院昨天裁定，政府必須在14天內，將5歲以下的兒童與家庭團聚，在30天內，與全部家庭團聚。在這巨大的壓力下，特朗普總統表示，他們將不再繼續實行分離家庭的做法。

Yet, it will prove a large challenge to reunite families.  Small children may not know their parents’ names or speak an indigenous language that there may not be an interpreter for.  In the meanwhile, they are suffering emotional and traumatic effects of being suddenly ripped away from their families and placed in shelters with no knowledge of where their parents went.

然而，這只會證明家庭團聚面臨巨大挑戰。小孩子可能不知道他們的父母的名字，或只能說他們的母語，可能沒有翻譯。與此同時，他們正遭受著情感上和創傷性的影響，他們突然間從家人身上被強行搶走，放在收容所裡，而不知道父母去了哪裡。

This heart-wrenching practice of separating children from their families is a deep part of American history that highlights how the humanity of people of color is disregarded.  The earliest example of this started with the very founding of the United States where people from Africa were captured and enslaved to work in the United States.  African Americans were beaten, tortured and legally classified as property, not human beings.  This meant families, including babies and children, could be separated from their parents.  They were bought and sold with complete disregard for their humanity.  After slavery ended with the Civil War in 1865, thousands of African Americans placed ads in newspapers trying to find lost family members they were separated from.

這種讓孩子與家人分離令人痛心的做法，是根深蒂固美國歷史的一部份，突顯了對有色人種人性的漠視。最早的例子是從美國立國開始，非洲人被抓獲，並在美國做奴隸。非洲裔美國人被毆打、拷打和合法歸類為財產，而不被當是人。這意味著家庭，包括嬰兒和兒童，可以是與父母分開。他們被販賣，完全不顧人性。在1865年內戰結束後，奴隸制取消了，數以千計的非裔美國人在報紙上刊登廣告，試圖尋找失散的親人。

This practice of separating children from families did not stop with African Americans.  Thousands of Native American children were also taken away from their families starting in the late 1800s and placed in boarding schools to strip away their culture and taught the superiority of whiteness.  Native American children were not allowed to speak their native language, use their own names, wear their own clothes or practice their own spiritual beliefs.  They had to take on English names, practice Christianity and were taught that their culture was inferior.

這種將兒童與家庭分離的做法，並不止於非裔美國人。成千上萬的美洲原住民兒童，也從1800年 代末初，被帶離他們的家庭，並被安置在寄宿學校，剝奪他們的文化，傳授白種人的優越性。美洲原住民的孩子，不允許他們講母語，不得使用他們自己的名字，穿自己的衣服或實踐他們自己的精神信仰。他們必須接受英國的名字，被迫信奉基督教，並要接受，他們的文化是次等的。

While Chinese American families did not have their children forcibly taken away, United States law essentially separated families through the Chinese Exclusion Act, which barred women to immigrate to the United States.  Men were separated from their families by thousands of miles and may only see them once every few years.  Children grew up without ever really knowing their father.

雖然，華裔美國家庭的孩子，沒有被強行帶走，美國法律基本上是分隔家庭的，通過《排華法令》，禁止婦女移居美國。男人與家人相隔千里，可能每隔幾年只能見到他們一次。孩子們從小就沒有真正瞭解他們的父親。

On Saturday, June 30^th there is a national day of action to stand against family separation.  Not only is current U.S. policy separating families on the U.S.-Mexico border, but also families from some predominantly Muslim countries.  This week the Supreme Court ruled to uphold the Trump administration’s Muslim immigration ban.  As immigrants and people of color, we must stand up for our families and against their mistreatment and dehumanization.  Please join us at 11AM at Boston City Hall to march to the Boston Common to keep families together.

在6月30日星期六，有一個全國行動日，反對家庭分離。美國目前的政策，不僅將美國和墨西哥邊境的家庭分開，還有一些來自主要穆斯林國家的家庭，也是如此。本週，最高法院裁定維持特朗普政府的穆斯林移民禁令。作為移民和有色人種，我們必須站起來，為我們的家庭，反對他們受到非人的對待。請與我們一起，在上午11時，由波士頓市政廳，遊行到波士頓大眾公園，讓家庭團聚在一起。

Harvard Admissions 一登佛門

Why We All Lose With the Model Minority Myth

在模範少數族裔神話中為什麼我們始終都是輸家

by Suzanne Lee and Lydia Lowe

李素影，駱理德合撰

Much is being made of a lawsuit alleging discrimination against Asian American applicants to Harvard University in order to reinforce the narrative that race should no longer be a factor in the admissions process.  Plaintiffs allege that Asian American applicants with top scores for academics, test results and extracurricular activities were nonetheless admitted at lower levels than applicants of other races, when factors such as "personality" were taken into consideration. The suit is led by Students for Fair Admissions, a conservative organization that has opposed affirmative action programs on behalf of white applicants in the past.

對美國哈佛大學訴訟的主要指控是，亞裔申請人受到歧視，以此加強一些說法，即種族不應再成為招生過程中的因素。原訴人聲稱，當 "人格" 等因素被納入考慮時，在學術、考試成績和課外活動方面，得分高的亞裔美國申請人，被錄取人數是低於其他種族的申請者。這訴訟是由公平取錄學生組織提出，這保守組織一向是反對平權行動計畫，過去是代表白種申請人發聲的。

The narrative that Asian Americans are the racial minority group that has pulled itself up by the bootstraps without government assistance is known as the Model Minority Myth; it has been deliberately promoted since the 1960s in opposition to policies designed to correct racial inequities. Asian Americans need to read our own history to remember that it was the Third World strikes of the post-Civil Rights era that opened up university admissions for communities of color across the country. Asian Americans in college rose from 16,000 nationwide in 1960 to 250,000 in 1980.

亞裔美國人是少數族裔群體，在沒有政府援助的情況下，白手興家，這被稱為模範少數族裔神話; 自二十世紀六十年代以來，一直被有意提升，旨在糾正種族不平等現象的政策提出"反駁"。亞裔美國人需要閱讀我們自己的歷史，要緊記，這是第三世界在後民權時代的進逼，打開了全國各地大學的大門，在有色人種社區招生。在1960年，亞裔美國人在全國大學有1萬6千人，在1980年，上升到25萬。

So, why are Asian Americans "over-represented" in elite universities today, and does this justify removing Asian Americans as a disadvantaged group?

那麼，在今天，亞裔美國人在精英大學裡有 "過度代表" 的情況，原因就是這樣，這是把亞裔美國人不當作為弱勢群體看待的理由嗎？

Asian Americans are a complex racial category, with roots from many different countries, with a bi-polar class makeup of rich and poor. Today, geopolitical changes in Asia and shifts in immigration policy that give advantage to the wealthiest emigrants have created a new swell of the Asian American upper class. This sector is flocking to private prep schools and hyper-focused on gaining admissions to the elite universities. Meanwhile, the children of Chinese, Cambodian and Vietnamese laborers struggle like many of their Black and Latino counterparts and face growing poverty levels.

 亞裔美國人是一個複雜的種族類別，有來自許多不同國家的根，有一個由兩極階層組成的富人和窮人。今天，亞洲地緣政治的變化和移民政策的轉變，給最富有的移民帶來好處，造就了亞裔美國人上層階級新的膨脹。這個階層正蜂擁到私立預科學校，並專注于獲得精英大學的錄取。與此同時，華人、柬埔寨和越南勞工子女與許多黑人和拉美裔的人一樣，生活在日益嚴重的貧困中。

The polarized class makeup of Asian Americans is why the disaggregation (or separation) of Asian American data by ethnicity and geography, as well as a per capita analysis, is critical to understanding inequality in our communities. It is no wonder that  data disaggregation and affirmative action have become hot-button issues for a small but highly visible Tea Party-backed group of conservative elites in the Asian American community. Generalized data touted as the Asian American success story is also distorted by the fact that the population is concentrated in the state of Hawaii and in urban areas with the highest cost of living, and that Asian American households on the average have more wage-earners in the home.

亞裔美國人是由兩極分化的階層構成，這是要理解我們社區中的不平等現象的理由，因此，亞裔美國人的種族和地理資料的細分 ( 或釐清 )  以及人均分析是至關重要的。難怪在亞裔美國人社區資料分類和平權行動，已受到一個小但顯眼的茶黨關注，成為支持保守派亞裔精英群體的熱門話題。普遍的資料被吹捧為亞裔美國人的成功案例，人口集中的夏威夷和城市地區，生活費用是最高，而在亞裔美國人家庭有收入的人數，平均比起其他在家裡打工的人為多，也成了被扭曲的事實。

In addition, many Asian immigrants come from nations with a heavy emphasis on entrance exams that determine future opportunities for schooling and employment. It is common for children to spend years in preparation for these grueling exams, which represent the family's sole opportunity for advancement.

此外，許多亞洲移民來自的國家，是以入學考試為重點，以決定未來的教育和就業機會。孩子們經常花數年時間，來準備這些艱深的考試，這代表了家庭唯一的晉升機會。

The purpose of affirmative action programs is to address the deep inequities that run throughout history and continue to plague our society. In fact, racial and economic inequality are at an all-time high, which is why there is as much need for special admissions today as there ever was. We are not living in a post-racial world, but in a racist world in which a select few have been admitted to the club on certain days.

平權行動方案的目的，是解決貫穿歷史並繼續困擾著我們的社會的嚴重不平等現象。事實上，種族和經濟上的不平等現象一直都很嚴重，這就是今天像以往一樣，需要有特別招生的原因。我們不是生活在一個後種族主義的世界，而是在一個種族主義的世界中，在某些日子裡，隨便挑選幾個人進入俱樂部。

Special admissions programs at the universities are essential not only as reparations for the past but to address the worsening inequality today that is rooted in centuries of institutional racism. These programs are most needed by underrepresented Black and Latino communities but also should benefit disadvantaged Asian Americans students, not the wealthy elite that has become expert at gaming the system.

 大學的特殊招生計劃，不僅是對過去的補償，而且是解決當今日益惡化的不平等現象，這是植根于幾個世紀的制度性種族主義。這些方案是最有急切需要的，因黑人和拉美裔的社區代表人數不足，但這也應該有益於處境不利的亞裔美國學生，而不是那些已經熟悉遊戲規則而富有的精英。

If, as we suspect, Asian Americans of all class backgrounds face a discriminatory bias known as the Bamboo Ceiling, the real target for elimination should be the longest-standing historical preference in university admissions—the category of "legacy" admissions that perpetuates white privilege by giving top advantage to the families of alumni. The Harvard Crimson reported last year that the Class of 2021 is made up of over 29 percent legacy students, who are three times more likely to get into the school than those with no family ties.  Meanwhile, the New York Times found that, at 38 elite colleges, there are more students from the top one percent than from the entire bottom 60 percent of the economic ladder.

 如像我們猜想的那樣，所有不同階級背景的亞裔美國人，都面臨著一個被稱為 "竹竿天花板" 的歧視性偏見，那麼真正要消滅的目標，應該是大學招生中歷史猶久的選擇--"傳統" 招生類別。通過給校友家庭以最大的優勢，使白人的特權得以延續。哈佛大學報《緋紅》Harvard Crimson去年報導說，在2021年畢業班，有百份之29% 是由有傳統關係學生組成的，他們比沒有家庭關係的人入學，更高出3倍。與此同時，《紐約時報》發現，在38所精英大學，學生來自百份之1 經濟階梯，更多於是來自整個百份之60的經濟底層。

Asian Americans who are committed to civil rights for all must keep our focus on fighting racial and economic inequality together with other communities of color. We cannot allow ourselves to be used as a wedge by conservative forces seeking to undermine educational access, employment opportunities, and a political voice for communities of color.

那些致力於公民權利的亞裔美國人，必須將我們的注意力集中在與其他有色人種社區，一起打擊種族和經濟不平等。我們不能允許自己被保守派勢力所利用，企圖破壞教育通道、就業機會和有色人種社區的政治呼聲。

Suzanne Lee is a former principal of the Josiah Quincy Elementary School and earned her Masters at Harvard University Graduate School of Education. Lydia Lowe is a graduate of UMass/Boston, the only four-year Asian American and Native American Pacific Islander-Serving Institution in the Commonwealth.

李素影是約西亞昆士小學的前任校長，在哈佛大學教育研究院獲碩士學位。駱理德是波士頓 /麻州大學畢業生，這大學是麻州唯一設有四年制亞裔美國人和美州原住民太平洋島民服務中心。

Criminal Justice Reform 刑事司法改革

Criminal Justice Reform 刑事司法改革

Wayne Yeh 葉華

At what cost is justice served? America has long had a history of excessively harsh criminal justice policies resulting in mass incarceration, over-criminalization of communities of color, and racial injustice. A District Attorney (DA) plays a critical role in determining the effectiveness and fairness of our country’s criminal justice system.

公義的代價是什麼？長期以來,  美國一直有過嚴苛的刑事司法政策, 導致大規模監禁、對有色人種過度判罪和種族不公。地方檢察官在有效裁定和維護本國公平的刑事司法制度，起著至關重要的作用。

The DA is the top prosecutor in a district, and leads a staff of assistant district attorneys. They are responsible for presenting a case against an individual and making recommendations for the sentencing of offenders. They play an important role in making the case for whether or not a person should go to jail, and how long of a prison sentence they should get.

地方檢察官DA 是區內的最高檢察官,  並領導助理地區檢察官人員。他們負責提控針對個人的案件,  並就罪犯判刑作出建議。他們在決定一個人是否應該坐牢,  及他們應該得到多長的刑期案件,  扮演著重要的角色。

Although the criminal justice system is supposed to serve and protect the people, the system is broken and mistreats innocent people of color--particularly Black people and Latinos.

雖然刑事司法制度理應服務和保護人民,  但該制度崩壞,  危害了無辜的有色人種--尤其是黑人和拉美人。

The U.S. prison system is overrepresented by people of color. Forty percent of the U.S. prison population are Black, although they make up only 13 percent of the overall U.S. population. People of color, especially Black males, are also charged with harsher sentences than White people for the same crimes. Between 2007 and 2011, Black males received sentences 19.5% longer than White people.

美國監獄系統擠滿了有色人種。美國在囚人口有百份之40是黑人,  儘管他們僅占美國總人口的百份之13。有色人種,  尤其是黑人男性,  也被控以比白人更嚴厲的刑罰。在2007和2011之間,  黑人男性接受的刑期比白人長百份之19.5。

A study by the United States Sentencing Commission found that on average, Black men who commit the same crimes as white men receive federal prison sentences nearly 20 percent longer.

美國量刑委員會United States Sentencing Commission的一項研究發現,  平均而言,  犯下同樣罪行的黑人男性, 在聯邦監獄服刑的刑期會較長近百份之20。

Adults are not the only ones being impacted by a broken justice system. Youth of color also face harsher punishments at school than White students. A study in 2010 found that more than 70% of students involved in school-related incidents referred to law enforcement are Black or Latino. Black students are also three times more likely to be suspended or expelled than their White peers.

成年人不是唯一受敗壞的司法系統影響的人。在學校,  有色人種年輕人比白人學生，面臨更嚴厲的懲罰。在2010年的一項研究發現，涉及與學校有關的事件，而轉介往執法機關，有超過百份之70的學生是黑人或拉丁裔。黑人學生被罰停學或開除學籍的機率是同輩白人的三倍。

Harsher sentences lead to more of our community members behind bars, but it does not lead to reducing crime. The District Attorney plays an instrumental role in deciding which criminal cases to pursue and what charges to file. Prosecutors also make the decision of whether or not to seek bail, which is the temporary release of a person awaiting trial on the condition that they pay a certain amount of money, sometimes in cash. Oftentimes, people accused of a crime are put in prison before they have even been proven guilty. The only thing they are guilty of is being too poor to afford cash bail.

更嚴厲的判決導致更多的社區成員在監獄裡,  但這並不能減少犯罪。 地方檢察官在決定要追究那些刑事案件和起訴什麼罪行方面，發揮了重要作用。檢控官還決定是否尋求保釋,  即暫時釋放等待審判的人,  條件是他們要支付一定數額的金錢,  有時是現金。通常在被證明有罪之前,  被指控犯罪的人已被關進監獄。他們唯一的罪行就是太窮,  不能支付現金保釋。

Cash bail has long contributed to overcrowding of jails. Research shows that cash bail systems discriminate against low-income defendants of color held on nonviolent and low-level crimes.

長期以來，現金保釋是導致監獄有人滿之患。有研究指出,  現金保釋制度是歧視低收入有色人種被告，而被關押的原因是涉及非暴力和低級犯罪。

Did you know that DAs are elected by local voters? With so much at stake in the hands of the top criminal justice official, it’s critical for us to know the impact this position elected by the people can have on the lives of working-class and immigrant communities of color. We hope that our community members who are eligible to vote understand the importance of voting in every election, not just the elections that get the most awareness.

你知道地方檢察官 DAs 是由當地選民選出來的嗎？在高級刑事司法官員的手中,  有如此多的利害關係,  我們必須要知道,  人們所選出來的這個職位，對勞工階層和移民群體的生活，會產生什麼樣的影響。我們希望有資格投票的社區人士,  明白在每一選舉投票的重要性,  而不單是在最有警覺的選舉中投票。

According to a poll conducted by the American Civil Liberties Union of Massachusetts, 84% of voters in Massachusetts believe our criminal justice system should be changed so that people are not treated differently based on their race.

美國麻州公民自由聯盟American Civil Liberties Union of Massachusetts進行的一項民意調查顯示,  百份之84 的麻州選民認為,  我們的刑事司法系統應該改變,  這樣人們的種族才不會受到不同的待遇。

We cannot let another District Attorney’s race go by without being engaged in the election and having a say in who gets to be the people’s prosecutor. Will you commit to becoming more informed of the DA candidates and vote in the September 4 primary election?

我們不能讓另一位地方檢察官在無競爭對手的情況下當選,  並在誰會成為人民檢察官的情況無發言權。你會否承諾更加瞭解地方檢察官候選人及在9月4日初選中投票？

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2017/11/16/black-men-sentenced-to-more-time-for-committing-the-exact-same-crime-as-a-white-person-study-finds/?noredirect=on&utm_term=.4a941e4f9828

Asian American 亞裔美國人

Asian American 亞裔美國人

Wayne Yeh葉華

Goal: For members to understand the history of how Asian Americans have been racialized, so that they have a stronger identity as people of color and deeper solidarity with other communities of color (could focus on model minority myth, AARW pet/threat workshop content, etc.)

要旨: 讓會員瞭解亞裔美國人如何被種族化的歷史, 使他們作為有色人種有一個更強的身份認同, 並與其他有色人種社區有更深的團結 ( 可能集中於講及模範少數族裔神話, 亞裔文化中心 AARW 寵兒或威脅研討會內容等。)

What Does it Mean to be Asian American?

亞裔美國人意味著什麼？

The term “Asian American” has been used for the past fifty years. However, Asians have been in America for far greater than just five decades. The history of immigrants coming to America from Asian countries can be traced back to 1587 when a group of Filipinos arrived in Morro Bay, California on a Spanish Galleon more than three decades before Pilgrims from England arrived at Plymouth Rock. In 1763, Filipino workers escaped a Spanish ship in New Orleans, Louisiana, and became the first migrant community in the United States to come from an Asian country. Over the next century, waves of labor migration brought Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Filipinos, and Indians. Many of them worked on plantations in Hawaii, gold mines, and the continental railroad.

"亞裔美國人" 一詞在過去的五十年中被人們使用。然而, 亞洲人在美國的經歷遠超過五十年。亞洲國家移民美國的歷史，可追溯到 1587年, 當英國的朝聖者Pilgrims抵達普利茅斯石Plymouth Rock時，在此三十年之前，一群菲律賓人已乘西班牙帆船Spanish Galleon，抵達加利福尼亞California的莫洛灣Morro Bay。在 1763年, 菲律賓工人逃離了在路易斯安那州Louisiana新奧爾良New Orleans的一艘西班牙船, 並成立了美國第一個來自亞洲國家的移民社區。在下一個世紀, 勞工遷移浪潮帶來了中國人、日本人、韓國人、菲律賓人和印度人。他們當中許多是在夏威夷種植園、金礦和美洲大陸鐵路勞動。

During World War II, over 110,000 Japanese American families were unjustly rounded up and placed in unconstitutional internment camps for fear of holding allegiance to the Empire of Japan. However, many of the Japanese Americans were born in the United States. In addition, many other Asian ethnic groups, such as Chinese Americans, distinguish themselves by wearing “I am Chinese” buttons so that they would not be targeted by anti-Japanese sentiment.

二戰期間, 超過11萬名日裔美國人家庭，因恐防效忠日本帝國，而不公平地被安置在違憲的拘留營中。然而, 許多日裔美國人是在美國出生的。此外, 許多其他亞洲族裔群體, 如華裔美國人, 都以掛上 "我是中國人" 的紐扣來區分自己, 這樣，他們就會避開反日情緒的攻擊。

While laborers coming to America from Asian countries prior to the 1960s were ethnically Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Filipino, and Indian, the American government referred to them with derogatory terms such as “Oriental,” “Asiatic,” and “Mongoloid.” Just as African Americans struggled for their own equal rights under the law through the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s, the outcomes impacted and benefitted all immigrants and communities of color. In the height of the Civil Rights Movement, Asians in the United States intentionally embraced the term “Asian American” coined by a Japanese American historian named Yuji Ichioka. The term “Asian American” is used as a multi-ethnic pan-Asian American self-identifying political group in solidarity with other communities of color struggling for equal rights.

二十世紀六十年代之前，從亞洲國家來美國的勞工多是華人、日本人、韓國人、菲律賓人和印度人, 而美國政府則用貶義詞來稱呼他們, 例如 "東方人"、"亞洲人" 和 "蒙古種"。正如二十世紀六十年代, 非裔美國人通過民權運動，為自己的平等權利而抗爭, 結果影響和惠及所有移民和有色人種社區。在民權運動的高潮, 在美國的亞洲人，故意擁抱由日裔美國史學家Yuji Ichioka創構的"亞裔美國人" 一詞。"亞裔美國人" 一詞始被一個多民族的泛亞裔美國人，用作為自我認同的政治團體, 聲援其他有色人種族群, 爭取平等權利。

“Asian American” was inspired by the term “Afro-American” coined by Black activists in the Civil Rights Movement and was used as an umbrella term for Americans with roots or origins in Asia. Being Asian American is a political statement that we are united by our status as being American, but we claim a new political identity for empowerment, social change, and racial and ethnic equity.

"亞裔美國人" 是由黑人維權人士在民權運動中，所創構的 "非裔美國人" 一詞所感召的, 並被紮根於或來源自亞洲的美國人用作為保護傘。作為亞裔美國人是一個政治表態, 我們在美國的地位是團結的, 但我們主張在權力、社會變革、種族和族裔平等中，賦予新的政治身份。

In 1977, the Office of Management and Budget recognized the growing use of an “Asian American” identity and directed that the 1980 Census collect aggregate data on “Asians and Pacific Islanders.” Previously, these groups were thrown into an “Other” category. For the first time, the 1980 Census provided a deeper look at the Asian American community and revealed that they are the fastest-growing population in America with a median household income and college attendance rate that outpaced White people. This did not come without consequence in the post-Civil Rights era.

在 1977年, 管理和預算辦公室Office of Management and Budget認識到，越來越多人使用 "亞裔美國人" 身份, 並指示1980人口普查，收集 "亞洲人和太平洋島民" 的綜合資料。以前, 這些組別是被歸進為 "其他" 類別。1980的人口普查，首次為亞裔美國人提供了更深層的研究, 揭示了他們是美國增長最快的人口, 家庭收入中位數和大學入學率遠超白人。這是在民權運動時代之後所帶來的結果，不無關係。

Asian Americans became labeled as the model minority tool, used as a racial wedge between Asians and other communities of color. Asian Americans became elevated by the dominant White narrative as “hardworking” and “deserving,” which served as a tactic to put down Black Americans and minimize the impact of the civil rights movement. Asians began to be portrayed as a rebuttal to Black Americans calling out institutional racism. Specifically, the Asians that White supremacy uplifts as the model minority are highly educated professional Asians who immigrated by means of selective recruitment.

亞裔美國人被標籤為模範少數族裔工具, 用作亞洲人和其他有色人種族群之間的種族楔子。亞裔美國人的地位提升，被主流白人視為 "勤勞" 和 "應得的"的成果, 這策略是貶低美國黑人和減少民權運動的影響。亞洲人開始被描繪為對美國黑人評擊制度化種族主義的反駁。具體來說, 白人至上有意提升亞裔為小數族裔模範，受過高等教育的專業亞裔, 便成為他們通過選擇性招攬的移民。

Although there was a new term coined, groups still used both used ethnic identities relating to their country of origin, in addition to a racial identity grounded in unity and solidarity with each other and communities of color for the sake of racial equity. While there are some subgroups of Asian Americans, such as East Asian, South Asian, and Southeast Asians, each subgroup is still made of ethnic identities. These racial and ethnic identities are separate from nationality, which is a country that a citizen belongs to.

雖然創構了一個新的名詞, 但族群組別仍同時用與原籍國有關的族裔身份, 除了以種族身份團結外，並以種族平等為基礎, 彼此團結及團結有色人種社區。儘管在亞裔美國人中有一些細分族群, 如東亞人、南亞人和東南亞人, 但每個細分組別，仍然是由族裔身份組成的。這些種族和族裔身份是與國籍分開的, 這是所屬的國家的公民。

           

Source: www.cnn.com/2018/05/26/opinions/asian-pacific-american-heritage-month-opinion-yang/index.html